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LIBRARY  OF 
WELLESLEY  COLLEGE 


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in  2011  with  funding  from 

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THE   COLLECTED  CORRESPONDENCE 

AND   PAPERS    OF 

CHRISTOPH   WILLIBALD    GLUCK 


CHRISTOPH    WILLIBALD    GLUCK    I714-I787 

From  a  portrait  by  J.  S.  Diiplcssis,  painted  in  Paris  ijj6 
in  Oestcrreichischc  Natioiialbibliotliek,  Portraitsainiithtng,  Vienna 


The  Collected  Correspondence 
and  Papers  of 

CHRISTOPH 
WILLIBALD  GLUCK 


Edited  by 
HEDWIG  AND  E.  H. 

MUELLER  VON  ASOW 

Translated  by  Stewart  Thomson 


ST  MARTIN'S  PRESS  INC. 
NEW  YORK 


k.e- 


HRST  PUBLISHED  IN  THE  U.S.A. 
BY  ST  martin's  PRESS,  INC. 
NEW  YORK  10,  NEW  YORK 

1962  BY  HEDWIG  AND  E.  H.  MUELLER  VON  ASOW,  BERLIN 


FIRST  PUBLISHED  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  BY 
BARRIE   &  ROCKLIFF  (bARRIE  BOOKS  LTd) 

PRINTED  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  BY 
W.  &  J.  MACKAY  &  CO  LTD,  CHATHAM 


LIBRARY  OF  CONGRESS  CATALOGUE  NUMBER  02-522 


MUSIC  LIBRARY 


TO    OUR    COLLEAGUE 

H.  C.  ROBBINS  LANDON 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

1.  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  1 714-1787  frontispiece 

2.  Nanette  Gluck  f<^cing  page  4 

3.  Antonio  Salieri  facing  page  5 

4.  J.  F.  Reichardt  f<^cing  pag^  20 

5.  Jean  Francois  Laharpe  facing  page  20 

6.  Rosalie  Levasseur  facing  page  21 

7.  Letter  from  Gluck  to  Charles  Pahssot  de  Montenoy  from 

Vienna,  i8th  March  1780  facing  page  36 

8.  G.  B.  Martini  facing  page  37 

9.  Christoph  Martin  Wieland  f^(^wg  page  52 

10.  B.J.  Saurin  facing  page  <,^ 

11.  Fürst  Wenzel  Anton  Kaunitz-Rittberg  facing  page  53 

12.  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock  focing  page  68 

13.  Letter  from  Gluck  and  Marianne  Pirker  to  Carl  Pirker, 

dated  Copenhagen,  January  1749  facing  page  69 

14.  Johann  Gottfried  Herder  facing  page  84 

15.  Jean-Baptiste  Antoine  Suard  facing  page  85 

16.  Louis-Joseph  Francoeur  facing  page  85 

17.  Letter  from  Marianne  Gluck  to  J.   F.  Reichardt,  dated 

Vienna,  29th  December  1787  facing  page  100 

18.  Wolfgang  Heribert  Frh.  von  Dalberg  facing  page  loi 

19.  Francois  Arnaud  facing  page  loi 


CONTENTS 

Foreword  ix 

The  Life  of  Gluck  3 

The  Correspondence  19 

Appendix:  The  Sources  217 

Supplement  223 

Index  :  Alphabetical  Index  to  the  Persons  Addressed  225 

Works  by  Gluck  mentioned  in  this  book  227 

General  Index  229 


FOREWORD 

Habent  sua  fata  lihelli — tertianus  maurus 

Few  books  can  have  had  such  a  strange  history  as  this  first  complete 
edition  of  Gluck's  letters.  In  1913,  at  the  suggestion  of  my  great 
teacher,  Professor  Dr  Hugo  Riemann,  I  was  invited  by  the  Gluck 
Society  in  Leipzig  to  collect  the  maestro' s  letters.  A  year  later  the  First 
World  War  broke  out  and  brought  the  work  to  a  halt.  After  the  war, 
the  inflation  in  Germany  forced  the  Gluck  Society  into  liquidation. 

In  the  mid-twenties  Dr  George  Kinsky,  Director  of  the  Heyer 
Museum  in  Cologne,  proposed  that  I  should  collaborate  with  him 
on  an  edition  of  the  Gluck  letters,  as  he  had  acquired  from  a  large 
antiquarian  bookshop  in  Vienna  for  25,000  marks  thirty-eight 
unpublished  letters  by  Gluck  addressed  to  the  Head  of  Chancery  of 
the  Austrian  Embassy  in  Paris,  Franz  Kruthoffer.  He  was  anxious  to 
annotate  this  new  addition  to  his  collection  himself.  Pressure  of  work 
prevented  my  wife  and  myself  from  completing  the  manuscript  by 
the  agreed  time.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that  Dr  Kinsky  should  bring 
out  the  letters  of  Kruthoffer  separately,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  in 
1926  the  collections  in  the  Hey  er  Museum  were  put  up  for  auction 
and  all  their  rare  autographs  were  scattered  to  the  four  winds. 
Finally,  when  the  collection  of  Gluck  letters  was  nearing  completion, 
it  was  Dr  Kinsky  who  very  kindly  agreed  that  his  research  should  be 
incorporated  in  a  complete  edition.  For  this  we  shall  always  be 
deeply  indebted  to  him.  Eventually,  in  1939,  the  manuscript  was 
ready,  but  once  more  pubHcation  was  delayed  by  the  outbreak  of 
war.  With  considerable  difficulty  the  type  was  set,  only  to  be 
destroyed  by  bombs,  together  with  the  manuscript. 

It  was  not  until  1948  that  we  were  able  to  start  work  again,  and 
from  then  until  his  death  in  1952  Dr  Kinsky  gave  us  unstinted 
support.  Then  followed  several  years  in  which  we  knocked  in  vain 
at  the  doors  of  Austrian  and  German  publishers.  But,  thanks  to  the 
friendly  intervention  of  Mr  H.  C.  Robbins  Landon,  to  whom  we 
owe  a  great  debt  of  gratitude,  the  firm  Barrie  and  Rockhff,  London, 
decided  to  accept  the  manuscript.  So  after  forty-eight  years  of 
preparation  the  first  edition  of  Gluck's  collected  letters  has  at  last 
appeared.  In  order  to  complete  the  picture,  we  have  included 

ix 


X  Foreword 

Gluck's  famous  forewords  to  his  operas,  documents  and  letters 
addressed  to  Gluck,  and  such  few  fragments  as  have  survived  of 
Marianne  Gluck's  letters,  etc. 

In  this  collection  twenty  letters  and  documents  appear  for  the 
first  time  in  print.  It  seems,  therefore,  unlikely  that  any  further 
discoveries  of  important  documents  wiU  be  made,  although  there  is 
always  the  possibiHty  that  letters  may  still  come  to  light  in  private 
archives.  On  the  other  hand,  letters  addressed  to  Gluck,  except  for  a 
few  which  happened  to  survive,  went  up  in  flames  together  with  the 
remainder  of  the  maestro's  papers. 

We  are  particularly  grateful  for  assistance  which  we  received  not 
only  from  Professor  Dr  Hugo  Riemann  and  Director  Dr  Georg 
Kinsky,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned,  but  also  from  all  the 
archives,  libraries  and  collections  which  placed  their  autographs  at 
our  disposal:  Louis  Koch  Collection,  Aarau;  Karl  Geigy-Hagenbach 
Collection,  Basel;  Internationales  Musiker-Brief- Archiv,  Berlin; 
Sächsische  Landesbibhothek,  Dresden;  Instituto  Musicale,  Florence; 
Steiermärkisches  Landesarchiv,  Graz;  Stadtbibliothek,  Leipzig; 
Musee  et  Domaine  de  Mariemont,  Belgium;  Bayerische  Staats- 
bibhothek,  Munich;  Bibhotheque  Municipale,  Nantes;  Walter 
Hinrichsen  Collection,  New  York;  Bibhotheque  du  Conservatoire 
National,  Paris;  Bibhotheque  Nationale,  Paris;  Sibley  Musical 
Society,  Eastman  School  of  Music,  Rochester,  N.Y. ;  Bibhotheque 
Francois  Lang,  Royaumont;  Memorial  Library  of  Music,  University 
of  Stanford,  California;  Württembergisches  Hauptstaatsarchiv, 
Stuttgart;  Library  of  Congress,  Washington;  Thueringisches  Staats- 
archiv, Weimar;  Geheimes  Staatsarchiv,  Vienna;  Oesterreichische 
Nationalbibhothek,  Vienna;  Stadtbibliothek,  Vienna. 

The  following  had  valuable  suggestions  to  make,  for  which  we 
are  also  grateful :  Miss  Emily  Anderson,  London ;  Miss  Geraldine  de 
Courcy,  New  York;  Mrs  Edna  C.  Davis,  Los  Angeles,  California; 
Madame  Yvonne  Desportes,  Paris;  Madame  Yvette  Fedorov, 
Paris ;  Frau  Marie  Floersheim-Kochf,  Muzzano/Lugano ;  Madame  H. 
Gouin,  Paris;  Professor  Dr  Edith  Heischkel- Artelt,  Frankfurt-am- 
Maiti;  Frau  Archivdirektorüi  Dr  Hedwig  Kraus,  Vienna;  Madame 
Elisabeth  Lebeau,  Paris;  Fräulein  Marie  Lipsius  (La  Mara)*}",  Leipzig; 
Mademoiselle  Simone  Wallon,  Paris ;  Mrs  Eduard  H.  Wannemacker, 
New  York;  Miss  Ruth  Watanabe,  Rochester,  N.Y.;  Fräulein 
Liesbeth  Weinhold,  Munich;  Professor  Dr  Hermann  Abertf, 
Berlin;  Professor  Rene  Anglade,  Institut  Fran^ais,  Berlin;  Sidney 
Beck,    New    York;    Richard    Bertlingf,    Dresden;    President   Dr 


Foreword  xi 

Theodor  Ebeling,  Berlin;  Dr  Rudolf  Elvers,  Berlin;  Vladimir 
Fedorov,  Paris;  Rudolf  Floersheim,  Aarau;  Richard  Franko  Gold- 
man, New  York;  Dr  Franz  Glück,  Museum  Director,  Vienna; 
WirkHcher  Hofrat  Professor  Dr  Joseph  Gregorj",  Vienna;  Pro- 
fessor Dr  Robert  Haasf,  Vienna;  Staatsoberbibliothekar  Dr  Hans 
Halm,  Munich;  Richard  S.  Hill"}",  Washington;  Heinrich  Hinter- 
berger,  Vienna;  Warren  R.  Howell,  San  Francisco,  California; 
Professor  Dr  Victor  Junk"j",  Vienna;  Bibliotheksrat  Professor  Dr 
Willi  Kahl,  Cologne;  Dr  med.  Dieter  Kerner,  Mainz;  Direktor  Dr 
Karl-Heinz  Koehler,  Berlin;  Archivdirektor  Dr  Max  Kratochwill, 
Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Robert  Lach"}",  Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Andreas 
Liess,  Vienna;  Günter  Mecklenburg  (Fa.  J.  A.  Stargardt),  Marburg; 
Helmut  Meyer,  Berlin;  Louis-Marie  Michonf,  Paris;  Professor  Dr 
Paul  Mies,  Cologne;  Staatsarchivrat  Dr  Rolf  Naumann,  Stuttgart; 
Professor  Dr  Leopold  Nowak,  Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Vincenz 
Oberhammer,  Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Nathan  van  Patten,  Stanford, 
Cahfomia;  Dr  Fritz  Racek,  Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Erich  Schenk, 
Vienna;  Professor  Dr  Roland  Tenschert,  Vienna;  Dr  Othmar 
Wessely,  University  Lecturer,  Vienna ;  Director  Vernon  Westmore- 
land, New  York;  Dr  Jakob  Winterler,  Glarus. 

Finally,  we  would  like  to  thank  Frau  Gertrud  Mertins,  Secretary 
of  the  Internationales  Musiker-Brief- Archiv,  Mr  Stewart  Thomson, 
whose  difficult  task  it  has  been  to  translate  the  letters  and  documents 
faithfully  from  German,  French  and  ItaHan,  and  not  least  Messrs 
Barrie  and  RockhfF,  who  have  spared  no  effort  to  make  this  book  as 
attractive  as  possible  and  to  meet  all  the  editors'  wishes. 

Berlin,  iq6i  Hedwig  M.  von  Asow 

E.  H.  M.  VON  Asow 


THE  LIFE   OF   GLUCK 


THE   LIFE   OF   GLUCK 

Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  came  of  a  family  whose  origins 
are  unknown.  His  great-grandfather,  Simon  Gluck,  lived  in  Rocken- 
zahn and  died  before  1672,  when  his  son,  Hans  Adam  Gluck  (born 
1649),  who  was  a  forester  with  Count  Härtung  at  Dietersdorf  near 
Windisch-Eschenbach,  married  Anna  Maria  Köttnath  (born  165 1), 
daughter  of  a  smith,  Philipp  Köttnath,  of  Erbendorf  (Upper 
Palatinate).  Shortly  afterwards  he  entered  the  service  of  Prince 
Lobkowitz  at  Neustadt  on  the  Waldnab.  There,  on  28th  October 
1683,  the  fifth  child  was  born:  Alexander  Gluck,  father  of  the  com- 
poser. He  is  reported  to  have  taken  part  in  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  (1702-1703)  as  gun-bearer  to  Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy. 
Later  he  entered  the  service  of  the  Chief  Huntsman  of  the  Palatinate, 
Count  Johann  George  von  der  Hauben,  and  around  1711-1712  he 
became  Keeper  at  Erasbach,  near  Berching.  There  he  married  Maria 
Walpurga,  whose  family  name  is  not  known.  She  bore  him  nine 
children,  the  eldest  of  whom,  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck,  was  born 
on  2nd  July  1714. 

The  house  in  which  he  was  born  had  been  built  by  his  father  a 
year  before  at  the  entrance  to  the  village  of  Erasbach,  which  consisted 
of  only  sixty  houses,  and  where  the  house  is  still  standing.  Gluck's 
parents  remained  only  three  years  at  Erasbach  after  the  birth  of  their 
eldest  son,  who  was  soon  followed  by  a  second,  Christoph  Anton 
(baptised  nth  April  1716),  then  they  moved  to  Reichsstadt.  In  1717 
Gluck's  father,  who  during  his  period  at  Erasbach  had  become 
forester  to  the  monasteries  Seligenpforten  and  Plankstetten  as  well  as 
of  Weidenwang,  entered  the  service  of  Duchess  Anna  Maria  Francisca 
von  Toscana  as  senior  forester.  The  family  spent  five  happy  years  at 
Reichsstadt,  where  more  children  were  born  and  where  the  domestic 
atmosphere  seems  to  have  been  a  very  happy  one.  The  composer 
himself  in  his  later  years  still  had  the  most  pleasant  memories  of  his 
early  youth,  when  he  went  out  into  the  woods  with  his  father,  bare- 
foot even  in  the  depths  of  winter,  and  was  allowed  to  carry  his  hunt- 
ing and  surveying  gear.  He  received  a  simple  yet  sohd  upbringing ; 
only  on  the  subject  of  truthfulness  was  strict  discipline  maintained. 
He  had  his  first  lessons  in  reading,  writing  and  arithmetic  at  a  country 
school,  while  his  natural  talent  for  music  was  awakened  at  an  early 
age  by  the  love  of  music  common  amongst  the  country  folk  of 

3 


4  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Bohemia.  In  the  year  1722,  when  his  grandfather  was  buried  at 
Neustadt  on  9th  January,  Gluck' s  father  moved  with  his  family  to 
Kreibitz  in  the  Kamnitz  area  of  Bohemia  to  take  up  the  position  of 
Chief  Forester  to  Count  Phihpp  Joseph  Kinsky.  At  Michaelmas 
1727  he  became  Chief  Forester  to  Prince  PhiHpp  Hyazinth  von 
Lobkowitz  at  Eisenstadt  near  Komotau  (Bohemia) .  In  1 73 1  Christoph 
Willibald  Gluck  entered  the  University  of  Prague,  where  he  read 
Logic  and  Mathematics,  but,  in  his  own  words,  also  studied  'how 
studies  were  at  that  time  conducted  there'.  Unfortunately  no  rehable 
information  is  available  of  his  musical  studies.  He  is  said  to  have 
performed  on  the  violin  and  the  'cello,  as  a  singer,  on  the  harpsichord 
and  on  the  organ,  and  to  have  frequently  toured  the  countryside 
and  the  outlying  villages  with  other  students.  Whether  he  also  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Bohuslav  Czernohorsky  (1690-1740),  the  famous 
'Pater  Boemus'  and  teacher  of  Tartini,  who  is  said  to  have  arranged 
for  him  to  play  at  the  Teinkirche,  where  he  himself  played,  we  do  not 
know  for  certain. 

From  Prague  Gluck  moved  on  to  Vienna.  He  may  have  found  a 
position  as  chamber  musician  with  Prince  Philipp  Hyazinth  Lob- 
kowitz, in  whose  service  his  father  was,  but  this  is  not  certain,  hi 
Vienna  he  was  greatly  influenced  by  both  the  Opera  and  the 
Hofkapelle,  the  leader  of  which  at  that  time  was  Johann  Joseph 
Fux,  the  author  of  the  world-famous  textbook  on  counterpoint, 
Gradus  ad  Parnassum.  But  the  residence  of  Prince  Lobkowitz  was 
also  a  centre  of  artistic  activity  which  cannot  have  failed  to  stimulate 
him,  the  noble  families  of  Vienna  had  aheady  taken  to  patronizing 
the  arts  on  a  generous  scale,  and  many  a  virtuoso  and  nobleman  must 
have  engaged  young  Gluck  in  conversations  which  stimulated  the 
young  man's  thirst  for  knowledge  and  widened  his  horizon.  It  was 
in  the  Lobkowitz-Althans'  house  (Princess  Wilhelmine  Lobkowitz 
had  married  Count  Gundaker  von  Althan  following  her  husband's 
death  in  1735)  that  Gluck  met  Prince  Antonio  Maria  Melzi,  who  in 
1736  engaged  him  as  a  member  of  his  private  orchestra  in  Milan. 
There  Gluck  found  in  Giovanni  Battista  Sammartini  a  teacher  under 
whom  he  made  so  much  progress  in  four  years  that  at  the  age  of 
twenty-seven  he  had  a  rousing  success  with  his  first  opera,  which 
was  dedicated  to  Count  Traun  and  was  fu:st  performed  on  26th 
December  1741  under  the  title  Artaserse.  Gluck  had  taken  the  text 
of  his  first  opera  from  the  works  of  Metastasio,  which  was  not 
surprising,  as  the  Abbate  Pietro  was  regarded  as  the  most  important 
and  most  creative  librettist  of  his  time.  The  successful  performance 


I 


NANETTE    GLUCK 

From  a  silhouette  in  Gesellschaft  der  Musikfreunde ^  Vienna 


I  I 


'■  Wi^/i^:^:'^ 


. '   -".'J'.i-     -' 


ANTONIO    SALIERI 

From  an  engraving  by  Carl  Traugott  Riedel,  Leipzig,  1802 


of  Christoph  WillihaU  Ghick  $ 

took  place  in  the  Regio  Ducal  Teatro.  A  far-sighted  impresario 
from  Venice,  who  either  was  present  at  the  premiere  or  had  heard  of 
this  young  and  talented  composer,  engaged  him  to  compose  a 
second  opera,  Cleonice  (text  from  Metastasio's  Demetrio),  which  was 
also  dedicated  to  Count  Traun  and  which  was  produced  in  the 
Teatro  Grimano  di  San  Samuele  on  Ascension  Day,  at  the  beginning 
of  May  the  following  year.  That  his  first  success  in  Milan  came  up 
to  expectations  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  his  third  work,  Demofoonte 
(text  from  Adetastasio),  which  again  was  dedicated  to  Count  Traun, 
was  also  produced  at  the  Court  Theatre  there  on  26th  December 
1742. 

During  these  early  and  successful  years  in  Italy  Gluck  almost 
certainly  lived  for  the  most  part  in  Milan,  travelling  to  other  cities 
only  for  purposes  of  composition,  rehearsal  and  stage-production. 
This  same  period  saw  the  first  appearance  of  his  opera,  Tigrane,  in 
September  1743  in  the  small  country  town  of  Crema  not  far  from 
Milan.  For  this  opera  he  had  chosen  a  text  by  Franceso  Silvani, 
which  Carlo  Goldoni  had  adapted.  On  26th  December  of  the  same 
year,  the  arrival  of  a  new  Governor,  Prince  Johann  Georg  Christian 
von  Lobkowitz,  was  celebrated  with  a  performance  of  a  pasticcio, 
Arsace,  the  second  and  third  acts  of  which  were  written  by  Giovanni 
Battista  Lampugnani,  while  the  first  act  was  a  Silvani  text  set  to 
music  by  Gluck.  Then  on  17th  January  1744  Sofonisba  was  produced 
in  Milan  with  text  by  Silvani,  adapted  by  Metastasio ;  this  work  was 
dedicated  to  Prince  Johann  Georg  Christian  von  Lobkowitz.  The 
season  over.  Gluck  travelled  once  more  to  Venice  to  write  several 
arias  for  a  production  to  be  given  in  the  Teatro  San  Angelo  on 
13  th  May  1744  of  Giovanni  Maccari's  o^cva.  La  ßnta  schiava,  with. 
text  by  Silvani.  This  was  followed  on  21st  November  in  the  Teatro 
San  Giovanni  Crisostomo  by  Gluck's  Ipermestra  (text  by  Metastasio). 
Gluck's  fame  was  spreading  and  on  26th  December  1744  he  accepted 
an  invitation  to  Turin,  where  his  Poro  (text  from  Metastasio's 
Alessandro  nelle  Indie)  had  its  first  production.  Barely  five  weeks  after 
this  premiere  came  a  performance  of  Ippolito  in  Milan,  which  was 
also  dedicated  to  Prince  Johann  Georg  Christian  von  Lobkowitz 
(text  by  G.  G.  Corio),  and  this  marked  the  end  of  Gluck's  first 
successful  stay  in  Italy,  which  he  had  begun  as  an  unknown  student 
of  music  and  which  he  completed  as  a  young  maestro. 

Gluck's  reason  for  leaving  Milan  was  presumably  an  invitation 
from  the  Director  of  the  Italian  Opera  in  London,  Lord  Middlesex. 
As  Prince  Ferdinand  Phillip  von  Lobkowitz  was  also  planning  to 

C.G.-B 


6  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

travel  from  Milan  to  the  English  capital,  he  allowed  Gluck,  whom 
he  had  known  since  childhood,  to  accompany  him.  The  first  stage  of 
the  journey  was  to  Frankfurt-am-Main,  where  the  travellers  made  a 
brief  halt  to  see  the  Coronation  of  the  Emperor  Franz  I  on  4th 
October  1745.  Then  they  continued  via  Brussels,  Antwerp,  Rotter- 
dam, Calais,  Dover  and  Canterbury  to  London.  When  Gluck 
arrived,  England  was  in  the  grip  of  the  Jacobite  rebellion  and  the 
theatres  were  closed.  Finally,  however.  Lord  Middlesex  obtained 
permission  to  open  a  season,  though  on  one  condition:  the  first 
work  must  be  appropriate  to  the  political  conditions,  which  meant 
that  it  must  sing  the  praises  of  the  Duke  of  Cumberland.  The  text  was 
written  by  the  resident  poet  of  the  Haymarket  Theatre,  Abbe  F. 
Vanneschi.  Under  the  title  La  caduta  dei  giganti,  it  was  produced  on 
7th  January  1746  (Juhan  Calendar)  with  music  by  Gluck.  It  was  a 
pasticcio,  in  which  most  of  the  airs  had  been  taken  from  other  works 
by  Gluck.  The  opera  was  highly  successful  and  was  performed  five 
times  with  the  composer  conducting.  Then  the  season  continued 
with  Galuppi's  opera  II  trionfo  delta  continenza,  also  conducted  by 
Gluck.  The  next  innovation,  on  4th  March  1746  (Julian  Calendar), 
was  Gluck's  pasticcio  Artamene  (text  by  F.  Vanneschi),  which  was 
performed  ten  times,  and  was  followed  by  Lampugnani's  Alessandro 
nelle  Indie  and  Galuppi's  Antigono,  with  which  the  season  closed. 
Gluck  had  an  enthusiastic  reception  in  London.  This  is  clear  not 
merely  from  Horace  Walpole's  observation  that  opera  flourished 
that  year  more  than  in  any  other,  but  also  from  the  fact  that  the 
pubHsher  Walsh  printed  a  number  of  airs  from  Gluck's  two  operas. 
It  was  in  London,  furthermore,  that  Gluck  met  Handel,  who  is 
alleged  to  have  said :  'Gluck  knows  as  much  about  counterpoint  as  my 
cook  Waltz',  a  judgment  that  the  temperamental  and  excitable 
Handel  may  have  been  guilty  of  in  a  fit  of  bad  temper.  Gluck 
thereupon  called  on  Handel — so  the  story  goes — and  they  became 
firm  friends.  It  is  certainly  true  that  Gluck  remained  a  great  admirer 
of  Handel  for  the  rest  of  his  long  life.  On  one  occasion  in  March 
1746  the  two  great  artists  played  together  at  a  concert  of  the  Society 
of  Music  in  London.  Gluck  himself  appeared  on  many  occasions  at 
public  concerts  in  London  and  performed  with  particular  brilliance 
on  the  verrillon  or  glass-harmonica,  an  instrument  which  he  is  said 
to  have  invented,  consisting  of  twenty-six  drinking-glasses  tuned 
with  spring  water,  and  for  which  he  wrote  a  special  concerto  with 
orchestra.  During  his  London  period  he  also  composed  eight  trio 
sonatas,  six  of  which  were  pubHshed  by  J.  Simpson.  Exactly  how 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghck  7 

long  Gluck  remained  in  England  we  do  not  know.  At  Carnival 
time  in  1746,  Angelo  Mingotti's  opera  troupe  produced  a  pasticcio 
Lafinta  schiava  in  Graz,  which  included  amongst  its  composers  not 
only  Vinci  and  Lampugnani,  but  also  Gluck.  From  Graz  the  opera 
company  moved  on  to  Prague,  where  there  were  performances  in 
spring  and  summer;  for  a  short  period  between  times  the  troupe 
also  appeared  in  Leipzig.  From  Prague  they  went  on  to  Dresden,  and 
thereafter  we  lose  track  of  Mingotti,  until  he  reappears  again  the 
following  year,  1747,  at  the  Easter  Fair  in  Leipzig,  this  time  with  his 
brother,  Pietro.  On  the  15th  May  a  concert  was  held  at  which  'airs 
by  a  great  maestro  from  Italy  were  sung  and  played  to  storms  of 
applause'.  This  great  maestro  from  Italy  was  doubtless  Gluck.  In 
the  summer,  on  the  occasion  of  the  double  wedding  of  Maria  Anna 
of  Saxony  with  the  Prince  Elector  Maximilian  Joseph  of  Bavaria  and 
Princess  Maria  Antonia  Walpurgis  of  Bavaria  with  Prince  Friedrich 
Christian  of  Saxony  on  29th  June  1747,  Gluck's  opera  Le  nozze 
d'Ercole  e  d'Ebe  was  performed  in  the  Schlosspark  Theatre  at  Pillnitz. 
At  Dresden  Gluck  left  the  opera  company  and  went  on  to  Vienna. 
On  the  way  he  visited  the  family  property  which  his  father  had 
acquired  in  1736  at  Hammer,  near  Brux,  and  the  graves  of  his  mother 
(who  died  8th  October  1740)  and  father  (who  died  26th  July  1743) 
in  the  cemetery  at  Obergeorgenthal.  He  took  the  opportunity  to 
seU  his  parents'  property. 

In  Vienna  Gluck's  opera  Semiramide  riconosciuta  (text  by  Meta- 
stasio)  had  its  premiere  on  14th  May,  the  Empress  Maria  Theresia's 
birthday,  when  the  Burgtheater  was  opened. 

Vienna  had  considerably  changed  since  Gluck  was  last  there.  That 
lover  of  pomp  and  ceremony,  the  Emperor  Karl  VI,  and  his  Master 
of  Music,  the  all-powerful  Fux,  were  both  dead.  Under  its  new 
leader,  Georg  von  Reutter,  the  Court  Orchestra  had  deteriorated. 
Nevertheless,  Gluck's  opera  had  an  enthusiastic  reception  and  was 
repeated  several  times.  Even  at  that  early  stage  Gluck  seriously  con- 
sidered settling  permanently  in  Vienna,  but,  as  Maria  Theresia's 
Court  had  substantially  reduced  expenditure  on  ItaHan  opera,  Gluck 
saw  no  chance  of  obtaining  a  position.  He  therefore  rejoined  the  Pietro 
Mingotti  troupe  at  Hamburg  in  September  1748.  Whereas  until  now 
he  had  acted  mainly  as  a  stand-in  for  the  conductor,  Paolo  Scalabrini, 
now  that  Scalabrini  had  taken  up  a  post  with  the  Danish  Court,  he 
conducted  all  the  performances.  The  tour  proceeded  from  Hamburg 
to  Copenhagen,  where  Gluck  arrived  with  several  members  of  the 
company  at  the  end  of  November.  At  that  time  he  was  infatuated  by 


8  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

the  beautiful  Gaspera  Beccheroni,  who  was  not  exactly  the  most 
popular  member  of  the  company  and  is  said  to  have  been  the  mistress 
of  the  British  Minister,  Wyche.  As  a  result  of  his  infatuation  Gluck 
fell  seriously  ill  immediately  on  arrival  and  in  mid-December  he 
had  not  yet  fuUy  recovered.  Nevertheless,  he  was  preparing  a  new 
work,  La  Contesa  dei  Numi,  a  serenade  which  was  to  have  its  first 
performance  in  honour  of  Queen  Luise  after  the  birth  of  Crown 
Prince  Christian,  which  took  place  on  29th  January  1749.  But  as  the 
Queen's  accouchement  was  later  than  expected  and  her  confmement 
lasted  longer  than  anticipated,  Mingotti  had  to  extend  his  season 
until  after  Lent  in  order  to  fit  in  the  premiere  and  enable  the  Queen 
to  attend  aU  the  other  operas.  Gluck  employed  these  weeks  of 
freedom  in  performing,  as  he  had  done  in  London,  on  the  verrillon. 
When  the  Queen  was  fully  recovered.  Gluck  conducted  aU  the 
operas  in  the  season,  ending  with  his  own  opera,  with  text  again  by 
Metastasio,  on  9th  April  1749.  We  also  know  for  certain  that  Gluck 
intended  to  give  a  concert  'di  Cembalo'  after  Easter  and  that  on 
19th  or  20th  April  in  a  room  in  the  Charlottenburg  Castle,  in  which 
the  Mingotti  opera  troupe  was  housed,  a  further  concert  with  the 
verriUon  was  given.  From  Copenhagen  the  company  paid  a  brief 
visit  to  Christiania,  but  Gluck' s  next  destination  is  not  known. 
Presumably  he  travelled  with  the  company  to  Holland,  where  he 
estabUshed  contact  with  Mingotti's  rival,  Giovanni  Battista  LocateUi, 
and  may  even  have  travelled  with  him. 

He  appears  to  have  gone  to  Prague  with  LocateUi,  for  it  was  there 
in  the  Carnival  season  of  1750  that  his  opera,  Ezio,  with  a  hbretto 
once  more  by  the  industrious  Metastasio,  was  first  performed.  In 
Prague,  too,  he  must  have  heard  the  news  of  the  death  of  Joseph 
Bergin,  the  wealthy  Viennese  banker  who  had  opposed  Gluck's 
engagement  to  his  elder  daughter,  Marianne  (born  24th  July  1732), 
and  Gluck's  decision  to  rejoin  the  Mingotti  company  in  Hamburg 
following  a  successful  performance  of  his  Semiramide  may  well  have 
been  influenced  by  that  personal  rebuff.  Nothing  now  stood  in  the 
way  of  his  happiness.  He  hurried  back  to  Vienna  and  on  15th 
September  1750  married  Marianne  in  the  Uhichskirche.  She 
remained  utterly  devoted  to  him  to  the  end  of  his  life  and  took  a 
close  personal  interest  in  all  his  artistic  plans  and  achievements. 

The  newly-weds  are  alleged  to  have  moved  in  with  his  mother-in- 
law.  This  is  still  a  matter  for  speculation,  for  in  the  autumn  of  1750 
Gluck's  Ipermestra  was  again  performed  in  Prague  by  LocateUi's 
company  and  his  Ezio  in  Leipzig  in  1751.  A  further  indication  that 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  9 

Gluck  had  rejoined  Locatelli  is  the  fact  that  his  Issipile  (text  by 
Metastasio)  had  its  premiere  at  Prague  in  the  1752  Carnival.  It  was  also 
while  he  was  in  Prague  that  he  was  invited  to  Naples  by  the  Director 
of  the  Teatro  San  Carlo,  Don  Diego  Tufarelli,  to  compose  an  opera. 
Gluck  accepted  the  invitation  and  travelled  to  Italy  with  his  wife. 
In  Naples  he  composed  Metastasio's  La  clemenze  di  Tito,  which  had 
a  higUy  successful  premiere  on  4th  November  1752.  As  a  result  of 
this  success,  when  Gluck  returned  to  Vienna,  he  was  engaged  by 
Prince  Joseph  Friedrich  von  Sachsen-Hildburghausen  as  conductor 
of  his  not  inconsiderable  orchestra.  The  Prince  organized  regular 
concerts  every  Friday  throughout  the  winter  and  invited  famous 
artists,  who  were  passing  through  Vienna,  to  play  at  his  palace.  In 
summer  he  gave  operatic  performances  in  his  private  theatre  in 
Schlosshof.  Whether  Gluck  wrote  works  for  these  concerts  has  not 
been  defmitely  established,  but  we  do  know  that  a  number  of  Gluck's 
comic  operas  were  written  for  the  theatrical  performances  at 
Schlosshof.  The  first  opera  of  this  kind  that  is  still  extant  was  pro- 
duced on  the  occasion  of  a  brilliant  festival  which  the  Prince  arranged 
to  welcome  the  Emperor  Franz  I  and  Empress  Maria  Theresia  on  a 
visit  to  Schlosshof.  On  24th  September  1754  Metastasio's  Le  Cinesi 
was  performed,  set  to  Gluck's  music.  This  performance  was  un- 
doubtedly attended  by  Count  Durazzo,  who  at  that  time  took  over 
the  direction  of  the  Hoftheater  in  Vienna.  It  was  probably  at  his 
instigation  that  the  work  was  performed  on  17th  April  1755  as 
prelude  to  a  Chinese  ballet  in  the  theatre  next  to  the  Burg  and  that 
Gluck  was  engaged  at  a  yearly  salary  of  2,000  gulden  to  compose 
'theatrical  and  chamber  music'  for  the  Court.  The  first  work  Gluck 
produced  in  his  new  capacity  was  the  pastoral  La  danza  (text  by 
Metastasio),  which  was  performed  at  the  opening  of  a  Court  ball  on 
5  th  May  1755  in  the  Castle  of  Laxenburg  near  Vienna.  There  was  a 
repeat  performance  of  this  small  work  in  the  Burgtheater  in  Vienna 
on  Maria  Theresia's  birthday.  In  the  same  year  and  in  the  same  theatre 
a  joint  work  by  Durazzo  and  Gluck  was  performed  on  8th  December 
entitled  L'innocenza  giustificata,  for  which  airs  were  taken  from 
various  works  of  Metastasio.  This  performance  was  barely  over, 
when  Gluck  had  to  hurry  off  to  Rome  to  supervise  the  first  produc- 
tion of  his  Antigono,  which  took  place  on  9th  February  1756  in  the 
Teatro  di  Torre  Argentina.  This  had  such  an  enthusiastic  reception 
that  Cardinal  Legate  A.  Albani,  an  admirer  of  Gluck,  decorated  the 
composer  with  the  Cross  of  the  Golden  Spur.  The  artist  was  now  the 
proud  bearer  of  the  title  'Cavaliere'.  Shortly  after  these  performances 


10  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

he  returned  to  Vienna  to  complete  his  opera  //  re  pastore  (text  by 
Metastasio)  for  the  birthday  of  the  Emperor  Franz  I. 

During  the  next  few  years,  which  Gluck  spent  almost  exclusively 
in  Vienna,  he  composed  a  whole  series  of  short  and  long  comic 
operas:  in  1758  Lafausse  esclave  (3rd  October)  and  Vile  de  Merlin; 
in  1759  Cythere  assiegee,  Le  diable  ä  quatre  (28th  May)  and  L'arbre 
enchante  (3rd  October);  in  1760  the  amusing  L'ivrogne  corrige  and 
in  1761  Le  cadi  dupe.  During  this  period  Gluck  returned  once  again 
to  Itahan  opera  and,  on  the  occasion  of  the  betrothal  of  the  Arch- 
duke Joseph  with  Isabella  of  Bourbon,  he  set  to  music  Gianambrogio 
Mighavacca's  Wedding  Serenade  Tetide,  which,  together  with 
Basse's  Alcide  al  hivio,  was  warmly  applauded  on  8th  October  1760 
in  the  great  ballroom  of  the  imperial  castle. 

But  reformist  ideas  were  already  gaining  ground  in  the  circle  in 
which  Count  Durazzo  and  Gluck  moved.  Amongst  the  leading 
spirits  were  the  ballet  master  Gasparo  Angiolini  and  the  poet  Ranieri 
di  Calzabigi.  The  first  fruit  of  this  reform  was  the  ballet  Don  Juan, 
which  on  17th  October  1761  for  the  first  time  presented  that  gay 
rococo  world  with  a  tragic  ballet.  In  his  hbretto  Angiolini,  with 
great  daring,  reproduced  a  whole  complex  drama  in  pantomime. 
The  pubhc,  though  hostile,  went  to  see  this  new  work  of  art  out  of 
curiosity  and  because  it  was  fashionable,  with  the  result  that  it 
remained  on  the  programme  for  several  years.  But  before  the 
audiences  had  fuUy  appreciated  what  was  essentially  new  in  this 
creation.  Gluck  had  produced  a  new  work  which  was  to  become  a 
milestone  in  the  history  of  opera  and  to  remain  one  of  the  standard 
productions  up  to  the  present  day.  This  new  work,  Orfeo  ed  Euridice, 
first  performed  on  5th  October  1762,  made  a  profound  and  powerful 
impression.  Ranieri  di  Calzabigi  had  supplied  the  text.  The  greatness 
of  the  work  was  immediately  apparent  to  all  who  heard  it;  at  one 
stroke  Calzabigi  and  Gluck  together  had  effected  a  reform  in  opera, 
for  which  the  finest  talents  of  the  day  had  striven  in  vain. 

Gluck's  next  work  was  commissioned  for  the  opening  of  the 
theatre  in  Bologna:  he  had  to  set  Metastasio's  Trionfo  di  Clelia  to 
music  by  14th  May  1763.  Gluck  adopted  the  Itahan  style,  but  tried 
at  the  same  time  to  give  further  expression  to  his  reformist  ideas. 
On  his  return  he  had  an  opportunity  of  presenting  one  of  his  earher 
works,  Ezio,  to  the  Viennese  pubhc.  Gluck  revealed  his  lighter  side 
once  more  in  the  comic  opera  La  rencontre  imprevue  (7th  January 
1764),  which  the  Viennese  received  with  more  sincere  enthusiasm 
than  they  had  shown  the  serious  reformers,  hi  1764  the  maestro 


of  Christoph  Willihcild  Ghck  ii 

attended  the  election  and  coronation  of  the  Emperor  in  Frankfurt-ani- 
Main  (27th  March  and  3rd  April).  Then  he  travelled  on,  accompanied 
by  Count  Durazzo  and  Marco  Coltellini,  to  Paris,  where  he  made  a 
number  of  valuable  contacts,  hi  the  same  year  Durazzo  had  to  retire 
from  liis  post  as  Director  of  the  Vienna  Theatre,  as  he  had  apparently 
shown  too  marked  a  preference  for  Gluck  as  against  Rcutter.  Gluck, 
on  the  other  hand,  did  not  abandon  his  Court  functions,  but  became 
increasingly  active  as  composer  for  the  imperial  family's  celebrations. 
He  was  commissioned  to  prepare  a  special  production  for  the  second 
wedding  of  Joseph  II  and  Maria  Josepha  of  Bavaria.  On  this  occasion 
the  sixty-seven-year-old  Metastasio  wrote  an  original  libretto  for 
Gluck,  who  until  now  had  merely  reset  to  music  texts  which 
Metastasio  had  written  for  other  composers,  a  practice  which  was 
quite  current  at  that  time.  The  result  was  a  performance  in  the  great 
Schlachtensaal  of  Schönbrunn  Castle  of  the  opera  //  Parnasso 
confuso,  which  shows  distinct  traces  of  the  new  spirit  inspired  by 
Rousseau's  caU  to  'return  to  Nature'.  Four  Archduchesses,  Maria 
EHsabeth,  Maria  Amaha,  later  Duchess  of  Parma,  Maria  Josepha, 
who  later  became  the  wife  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  and  Maria  Carolina, 
later  Queen  of  Naples,  performed  in  this  short  work  on  24th 
January  1765  before  an  audience  that  consisted  only  of  the  innermost 
circle  of  the  Court.  Then  followed  a  performance  on  30th  January 
1765  in  the  Burgtheater  in  Vierma  of  Telemacco,  which,  contrary  to  all 
existing  rules,  had  only  two  acts.  Sigismondo  Capece  had  written 
the  text,  which  was  originally  in  three  acts  but  was  condensed  into 
two  by  Marco  Coltellini. 

The  evening  after  the  performance  of  Telemacco  in  Vienna, 
Gluck  was  able  to  produce  a  new  premiere:  Angiolini's  ballet 
Semiramide,  which  was  presented  in  the  Castle  Theatre  at  Schön- 
brunn. The  Court  also  commissioned  Gluck  to  set  Metastasio 's  La 
corona  [Der  Kranz)  to  music,  a  work  which,  owing  to  the  death  of 
Franz  I,  was  not  performed  until  1737.  From  now  on  Gluck  worked 
at  a  reduced  tempo;  his  compositions  were  more  considered,  and 
the  reflective  side  of  his  character  came  more  and  more  to  the 
forefront.  A  year  and  a  half  had  passed  since  the  completion  of 
La  corona  before  Gluck  produced  a  new  work.  To  celebrate  the 
reappearance  in  pubHc  of  the  Grand  Duchess  Maria  Louise  of 
Toscana  after  a  happy  delivery,  Gluck's  Prologo  was  presented  at  the 
Teatro  della  Pergola  in  Florence  on  22nd  February  1767.  Lorenzo 
Ottavio  del  Rosso  wrote  the  hbretto,  which  was  for  only  one  solo 
singer  (Jupiter)  and  choral  music.  In  the  meantime  Gluck  had  already 


12  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

conceived  his  second  great  reformist  work,  Alceste,  the  text  of  which 
was  again  by  Calzabigi.  The  premiere  was  in  the  Burgtheater  on 
1 6th  December  1767  and  there  were  forty-nine  repeat  performances. 
Gluck's  reformist  ideas  were  now  fully  matured  and  he  elaborated 
them  in  writing  in  the  Foreword  to  this  work  addressed  to  the  Grand 
Duke  Leopold  of  Toscana  (cf  page  22). 

In  the  summer  of  1768  Gluck  wrote  a  new  version  of  his 
L' innocenza  giustißcata,  which  he  had  composed  in  1755,  and  it  was 
performed  in  the  Burgtheater  under  the  title  La  Vestale.  From  the 
text  we  learn  that  Gluck  had  become  a  member  of  the  '  Accademia 
degH  Arcadi'  in  Rome. 

For  the  time  being  Gluck,  true  to  his  Court  obHgations,  did  not 
give  full  play  to  his  new  ideas  but  wrote  Le  feste  d' Apollo  (text  by 
Frugoni)  for  the  betrothal  of  the  Archduchess  Maria  Amalia  with 
Don  Ferdinand  of  Bourbon  in  1769  in  Parma.  The  Orpheus  act  of 
this  piece,  which  consisted  of  three  short  dramas,  shows  traces  of 
Gluck  the  reformer.  As  was  his  custom,  he  himself  conducted  the 
premiere  on  24th  August. 

Gluck's  reformist  works  had  stul  not  gained  the  recognition 
which  the  maestro  wished.  The  critics  in  North  Germany  were 
openly  hostue  and  Frederick  the  Great,  after  hearing  a  few  airs  sung 
by  his  Italians,  passed  the  premature  judgment  that  Gluck  'has  no 
songs  and  knows  nothing  of  grand  opera  as  a  form  of  art' !  There 
was,  therefore,  no  prospect  of  holding  performances  in  Germany; 
Italy  had  quite  different  ideals  from  those  of  Gluck,  as  a  result  of 
which  there  was  Httle  appreciation  for  the  premiere  of  his  Paride  e 
Elena  (text  by  Calzabigi)  in  Vienna  on  3rd  November  1770  or  for 
his  ballets  //  convito  d'Alessandro  (Laxenburg,  21st  May  1765)  and 
L'orfano  della  China  (Vienna,  ist  April  1774),  which  were  originally 
conceived  by  Angiolini.  Gluck's  interest  became  involuntarily 
focused  on  France,  where  artists  like  Corneille  and  Racine,  Lully 
and  Rameau  had  flourished,  artists  whose  talents,  like  his  own, 
naturally  inclined  to  the  drama. 

Material  circumstances  finally  led  Gluck  to  decide  to  travel  to 
Paris.  Gluck  had  found  in  the  Attache  to  the  French  Embassy  in 
Vienna,  the  Marquis  Gaud  le  Blanc  Bailli  du  Roullet,  a  friend  who 
understood  Gluck's  reformist  ideas  and  had  the  necessary  connexions 
to  prepare  the  way  for  him  in  Paris.  And  Gluck  also  found  a  weU- 
wisher  and  benefactor  in  his  former  pupil,  Marie  Antoinette.  In 
1773  he  was  invited  to  Paris  for  a  production  of  his  Iphigenie  en 
Aulide,  the  text  of  which  Bailli  du  Roullet,  basing  liimself  on  Racine, 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  13 

had  translated  with  fideUty  and  understanding.  In  mid-November 
1773  the  German  maestro  arrived  in  the  French  capital  with  his  wife 
and  his  niece.  But  it  was  not  until  19th  April  1774  that  the  work  was 
presented.  It  had  a  mixed  reception.  Only  with  the  second  per- 
formance did  Gluck  carry  the  day.  Despite  the  fact  that  the  old 
BoufFonist  party  (which  had  been  in  existence  since  1752,  when  the 
first  Italian  operas  arrived)  and  the  supporters  of  LuUy  and  Rameau 
were  not  won  over,  Queen  Marie  Antoinette  and  all  others  without 
bias — amongst  them  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau — openly  expressed  their 
appreciation  of  this  work  of  genius.  From  two  learned  members  of 
the  Academy,  the  Abbe  Francois  Arnaud  and  Jean  Baptiste  Suard, 
Gluck  received  whole-hearted  support  in  the  Press.  But  one  work 
alone  was  not  sufficient  to  gain  him  lasting  success.  Gluck  realized 
this  and  therefore  produced  a  new  version  of  his  Orfeo  for  grand 
opera.  On  2nd  August  1774,  under  the  title  Orphee  et  Eurydice,  it 
scored  a  resounding  success.  Both  Iphigenie  and  Orfeo  remained  on 
the  repertoire  of  the  Paris  Opera  and  earned  their  creator  the  sub- 
stantial income  of  40,000  livres.  Furthermore,  after  the  third  opera 
had  been  performed,  he  was  given  a  pension  for  life  of  600  livres 
and  he  received  the  same  amount  from  Marie  Antoinette.  At  the 
same  time  a  plan  was  being  discussed  which  would  enable  Gluck  to 
remain  permanently  in  Paris.  He  submitted  certain  proposals  to 
Count  Florimond  de  Mercy-Argenteau  but  they  were  not  accepted, 
so  Gluck  returned  to  Vienna  in  autumn  1774  by  way  of  Zweibrucken, 
Mannheim  and  Schwetzingen  with  his  wife  and  his  niece,  whom  he 
had  now  adopted. 

In  Vienna  on  i8th  October  1774  he  was  appointed  'Hofkom- 
positeur'  (Court  Composer)  by  Maria  Theresia  with  a  yearly  income 
of  2,000  gulden,  a  distinction  which  he  undoubtedly  owed  to  the 
success  o£ Iphigenie  and  Orfeo,  about  which  the  Empress  had  received 
enthusiastic  letters  from  her  daughter,  Marie  Antoinette. 

Gluck  remained  only  a  short  time  in  Vienna,  for  by  early  Decem- 
ber 1774  he  was  back  in  Paris,  where  he  stayed  untu  ioth(?)  March 
1775.  There  was  a  new  production  of  Iphigenie  en  Aulide  on  13th 
January  in  the  presence  of  the  Court,  which  had  just  emerged  from  a 
period  of  mourning,  and  Gluck  received  tremendous  ovations.  On 
27th  February  1775,  on  the  occasion  of  a  Court  Festival  at  Versailles 
to  welcome  the  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria,  Gluck  presented 
a  new  version  ofL'Arhre  enchante,  dedicated  to  Louis  XVI.  He  then 
became  involved  in  an  unpleasant  dispute  with  the  pubhsher  Le 
Marchand  and  in  a  complete  revision  of  the  one-act  Oy  there  assiegee 


14  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

to  a  three-act  opera-ballet.  The  premiere,  which  did  not  take  place 
until  ist  August  1775  and  for  which  the  Director  of  Opera  Pierre 
Montan  Berton  had  composed  a  closing  ballet,  was  a  failure;  the 
operatic  innovations,  which  Paris  had  been  led  to  expect,  did  not 
materialize.  On  his  way  from  Paris  to  Vienna  and  back  Gluck  had 
spent  a  short  time  at  the  Court  of  Duke  Karl  Friedrich  of  Württem- 
berg in  Karlsruhe  and  Rastatt,  in  order  to  meet  Klopstock,  whom 
he  greatly  admired.  The  poet  and  the  composer  became  firm 
friends. 

hi  Vienna  Gluck  adapted  his  Alceste  for  Paris  and  began  work  on 
the  broad  outlines  of  Armide  and  Roland.  His  health  was  aheady 
seriously  undermined  and  from  August  until  October  he  was 
confmed  to  bed.  hi  mid-February  1776,  when  he  was  well  enough  to 
travel  to  Paris,  he  had  to  leave  his  wife  behind  in  Vierma  with  his 
niece,  who  was  suffering  from  smallpox.  The  premiere  of  the  French 
Alceste  on  23  rd  April  1776  was  not  a  success.  A  few  days  later  he 
received  the  sad  news  of  the  death  of  his  niece.  Nevertheless,  he  made 
some  improvements  to  Alceste,  brought  in  the  character  of  Hercules 
and,  on  Rousseau's  advice,  introduced  a  ballet  in  the  second  act, 
with  the  result  that  the  work  gradually  won  recognition,  hi  the 
middle  of  May  1776  Gluck  returned  to  Vienna.  He  now  devoted  all 
his  energy  to  the  fmal  composition  o£ Roland  2x16.  Armide,  the  texts  of 
which,  by  PhiUippe  Quinault,  the  Vienna  Opera  had  commissioned 
him  to  set  to  music.  Roland  v/as  never  completed.  Gluck  burnt  his 
first  trial  scores  when  he  learned  that  Nicolo  Piccinni  had  also  been 
entrusted  with  the  composition.  Of  all  Gluck's  adversaries,  Piccinni  was 
also  destined  to  be  a  serious  rival  when  he  was  summoned  to  Paris. 
Gluck  complained  bitterly  of  the  injustice  done  to  him  over  Roland 
and  was  not  slow  to  attack  his  critics.  He  wrote  a  letter  which  was 
published  in  the  Press  and  which  led  to  a  conflict  of  artistic  views 
more  acrimonious  than  at  any  time  before.  From  then  on  Gluckists 
and  Piccinnists  were  at  daggers  drawn.  Courtiers,  musicians,  critics 
and  the  general  public  aU  took  sides.  Gluck's  supporters  were  led 
by  Arnaud  and  Suard,  while  Marmontel,  La  Harpe  and  Ginguene 
were  the  main  spokesmen  for  the  opposite  camp.  Gluck  had  arrived 
in  Paris  with  his  wife  on  29th  May  1777  and  on  23rd  September  1777 
he  presented  Armide.  Once  more  Gluck's  success  was  neither 
immediate  nor  complete.  It  took  some  time  for  the  opera  to  win 
recognition,  hi  the  meantime  Piccinni  had  not  been  idle,  hi  January 
1778  his  Roland  was  successfully  produced,  but  he  was  not  happy  in 
the  role  imposed  upon  him  of  rival  to  Gluck,  nor  was  he  entirely 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  15 

convinced  by  the  success  of  his  work,  which  he  had  been  compelled 
to  write  in  a  language  he  knew  only  slightly.  Relations  between  him 
and  Gluck  were  friendly  and  Gluck  is  even  alleged  to  have  helped 
him  with  his  rehearsals.  After  the  successful  performance  of  Roland 
(27th  January  1778),  Gluck  returned  in  February  1778  to  Vienna, 
where  he  withdrew  from  public  life  to  produce  his  most  mature 
and  most  complete  work,  Iphigenie  en  Tauride,  for  which  a  rough 
text  was  written  by  Nicolas  Francois  Guillard,  based  on  Guimond 
de  La  Touche's  version  of  Euripides's  tragedy.  In  the  beginning  of 
November  1778  Gluck  set  off  for  Paris  with  his  completed  score  and 
on  1 8th  May  1779,  when  the  curtain  in  the  Paris  Opera  House  fell 
for  the  last  time  at  the  end  of  the  premiere  of  Iphigenie  en  Tauride, 
Gluck's  success  was  assured.  Even  Baron  Melchior  Grimm,  the 
most  outspoken  of  the  Piccinnists,  was  obliged  to  pay  tribute  to  this 
work.  Gluck,  the  reformer,  had  fulfilled  his  mission.  Following  a 
production  of  Echo  et  Narcisse  (text  by  Ludwig  Theodor  von 
Tschudi)  on  21st  September  1779,  which  had  a  very  lukewarm 
reception.  Gluck  returned  on  7th  October  1779  to  Vienna  for  the 
last  time,  where  his  Iphigenie  en  Tauride,  with  a  German  translation 
by  himself  and  Johann  Baptist  von  Alxinger,  to  which  the  music 
had  been  adapted,  was  given  an  enthusiastic  reception  on  23  rd 
October  1 78 1. 

Gluck,  who  had  amassed  a  considerable  fortune,  spent  the  closing 
years  of  his  life  in  contemplation.  One  major  work,  which  had  been 
close  to  his  heart  for  many  years,  he  still  hoped  to  produce :  Klops- 
tock's  Hermannsschlacht.  In  conception  it  was  aheady  complete  and 
he  frequently  played  it  to  friends  and  visitors,  but  he  lacked  the 
strength  to  commit  it  to  paper.  He  himself  was  conscious  of  his 
weakness  and  decHned  a  commission  by  the  Paris  Opera  to  set 
Les  Danaides  to  music,  but  he  passed  it  on  to  his  pupil  SaHeri.  The 
first  performance  was  on  26th  April  1784  under  Saheri's  name  and  his 
own.  In  1785  Gluck  pubHshed  the  last  of  his  works,  a  collection  of 
odes  by  Klopstock,  which  he  had  completed  some  time  before. 
Finally,  a  short  time  before  his  death.  Gluck  entrusted  his  pupil 
Salieri  with  a  De  profundis,  which  was  subsequently  played  at  his 
funeral.  Apart  from  a  composition  of  the  8th  Psalm,  Domine, 
Dominus  Noster,  a  Miserere,  the  Motets  'Almae  sedes  laeta  pacis'  and 
'Voces  cantate',  this  is  the  only  religious  work  by  Gluck  which  is 
known.  On  15th  November  1787  the  maestro,  who  had  already 
suffered  several  apoplectic  attacks,  died  in  liis  house  on  the  Wiedener 
Hauptstrasse.  On  17th  November  his  mortal  remains  were  buried 


1 6  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

in  the  Matzleinsdorf  Cemetery.  On  29th  September  1890  his  bones 
were  reinterred  in  the  Zentralfriedhof  in  Vienna. 

With  Gluck' s  death  one  of  the  outstanding  creative  personalities 
in  the  history  of  music  had  passed  away.  His  greatness  and  nobuity 
had  dominated  the  whole  world  of  music  in  his  lifetime;  in  the  realm 
of  operatic  theory  he  had  made  a  major  contribution  and  his  Orfeo 
had  exercised  a  revolutionary  influence  on  contemporary  musicians ; 
if  his  last  operas  did  not  arouse  that  degree  of  spontaneous  enthusiasm 
that  encourages  imitation,  it  was  because  they  represented  the  final 
stage  of  a  process  of  development  in  operatic  history  which  did 
much  to  make  German  music  known  throughout  the  world. 


THE  CORRESPONDENCE  AND  PAPERS 


THE    CORRESPONDENCE    AND   PAPERS 


[To  Franz  Joseph  Karl  Pirker.^  German] 

January  1749 
My  dearest  Pircker, 

You  will  receive  20  ducats  from  Monsieur  Waich^  in  accordance 
with  Mademoiselle  Becheroni's  letter,  and  I  beg  you  to  buy  the 
watch  with  it,  but  let  the  order  be  carried  out  by  Srinsbeck  with  the 
name  of  the  King  on  the  watch-case,  and  please  to  remember  that 
it  must  be  in  diamonds.  Deal  with  this  wisely  so  that  of  the  20  ducats 
enough  remains  for  a  .  .  .  fme  chain  and  perhaps  a  golden  seal. 
You  must  not  tell  Monsieur  Waich  [Wyche],  however,  for  what 
the  money  has  been  used  but  that  it  was  given  by  his  wife  to  Mad. 
Beccheroni.^  Adieu,  dearest  Pircker,  and  forgive  me  for  thus 
troubling  you. 

From  the  correspondence  it  is  clear  that  this  letter  must  have  been  written 
between  the  Sth  and  14th  January  1749.  That  it  is  one  of  Gluck's  letters  is 
confirmed  by  the  handwriting  and  by  a  letter  from  Marianne  Pirker  of  15  th 
January  1749,  in  which  she  wrote:  '.  .  .  I  hope  you  have  received  my  last 
letter  with  the  little  note  from  Mme  Becharoni  and  Gluck.  .  .  .' 

It  is  worth  mentioning  in  this  context  that  Gluck  had  already  written  to 
Pirker.  One  of  these  letters,  which  has  not  so  far  been  found,  was  sent  from 
Hamburg  at  the  end  of  August  1748,  for  Pirker  reported  to  his  wife  on  loth 
September  1748:  '.  .  .  The  unexpected  handwriting  of  Mr  Gluck  gave  me 
uncommon  joy  and  pleasure,  and  I  can  only  wish  that  my  presence  may  be 
agreeable  to  him  as  his  is  to  me,  then  we  might  look  forward  to  many  happy 
hours.  Give  him  my  most  respectful  compliments  with  the  assurance  that  I 
shall  devote  as  much  care  to  the  originals  [of  the  trio  sonatas  ?]  as  if  they  were 
my  own.  .  .  .' 

^  Franz  Joseph  Karl  Pirker,  violinist,  had  at  one  time  toured  with,  the 

Mingotti  opera  troupe.  He  was  married  to  the  singer  Marianne  Pirker  but 

was  at  that  time  in  England,  [cf.  R.  Krauss:  'Marianne  Pirker',  Die  Musik, 

vol.  8] 

^JoHN  Wyche  was  English  Minister  in  Hamburg  till  he  was  recalled  to 

London  in  1748  [cf.  Mueller  von  Asow:  Angelo  and  Pietro  Mingotti,  p.  88; 

Boyev:  Annals  of  Queen  Anne,  1710,  vol.  8,  p.  386,  who,  unlike  M.  von  Asow, 

gives  the  correct  spelling  of  the  name] . 

^  Gaspera    Beccheroni  was   Wyche's   mistress   till  she  joined  Pietro 

Mingotti's  opera  troupe  as  a  buffa  singer  in  September  1748.  She  travelled 

with  Mingotti  to  Copenhagen  and  also  seems  to  have  had  relations  v/ith 

19 


20  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Gluck,  for  Marianne  Pirker  wrote  to  her  husband  about  her  on  3rd  December 
1748:  'There  is  a  revolt  here  against  the  BufFa,  for  the  [Grazia]  Melini 
[1720-1781]  hasbeen  received  at  Court,  the  wife  of  Maestro  [Paolo]  Scalabrini 
[1713-1806],  and  the  Court  wishes  that  she  should  always  appear  when  they 
[i.e.  Their  Royal  Highnesses]  come  to  the  Opera,  which  indeed  occurs 
tomorrow  for  the  first  time.  It  serves  the  sow  right,  why  has  she  so  ruiaed 
poor  Cluch  [sic].  If  Wais  [Wyche]  knew  this,  he  would  .  .  .  [illegible] 
the  hundred  marks  he  gives  her  every  month.  It  were  better  he  should  know, 
but  most  definitely  not  from  us.  So  take  good  care,  although  I  would  dearly 
like  to  avenge  Klug  [sic].^ 


[Marriage  Contract.  German] 
In  the  name  of  the  Holiest  Trinity — God  the  Father,  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Ghost.  Amen. 

This  day,  on  the  date  stated  hereafter,  the  following  marriage  contract  was 
drawn  up,  ratified  by  a  magistrate,  and  irrevocably  concluded  between  the  nobly- 
born  Herr  Christoph  Gluckh  as  bridegroom  on  the  one  hand  and  the  noble 
spinster  Maria  Anna  Bergin  ^  as  bride  on  the  other;  in  the  presence  of  the  spinster 
bride's  mother,  of  the  legally  appointed  guardian  Joseph  Salliet^  and  of  the  wit- 
nesses summoned  hereto :  namely : 

Firstly,  and  after  the  aforementioned  Herr  Christoph  Gluckh  had  duly  requested 
the  hand  of  the  aforesaid  spinster  Bergin  and  with  the  approval  of  her  mother  and 
her  guardian  had  received  her  consent  to  become  his  consort  in  marriage,  and 
after  this  betrothal  had  been  confnmed  by  both  persons  orally  and  by  a  clasping 
of  hands  as  also  by  an  exchange  of  rings  and  a  priestly  benediction,  the  following 
worldy  provisions  were  then  made : 

Secondly,  the  said  spinster  promised  to  endow  the  bridegroom  from  her 
own  means  with  a  true  and  lav^ul  dowry  of  five  hundred  Rhenish  gulden  after 
the  wedding  day  against  quittance,  to  which  the  aforementioned  bridegroom 
makes  a  counter-settlement  of  one  thousand  Rhenish  gulden,  so  that  the  marriage 
portion  and  counter-settlement  together  shall  be  one  thousand  five  hundred  gulden. 

Thirdly,  the  aforesaid  bridegroom,  as  a  token  of  his  special  affection  for  his 
beloved  bride,  has  promised  to  pay  fifty  gold  ducats  as  a  gift  on  the  morning  after 
the  wedding^,  furthermore. 

Fourthly,  both  parties  are  agreed  that  the  remainder  of  the  bride's  property 
of  four  thousand  gulden,  say  4000  fl.,  is  to  be  safely  invested  ad  fructißcandum 
and  the  yearly  interests  accruing — apart  from  a  hundred  gulden  which  have  been 
expressly  reserved  for  the  free  and  personal  use  and  disposal  of  the  bride — shall  be 
employed  for  their  joint  economy ;  whereas 

Fifthly,  whatever  is  earned,  acquired  or  inherited  by  the  grace  of  God  during 
the  marriage  shall  be  common  property. 

Sixthly,  the  bride's  mother,  as  a  token  of  her  especial  maternal  love,  binds 
herself  to  provide  the  same  with  an  appropriate  and  agreeable  establishment  and 
wardrobe,  concerning  which. 

Seventhly,  all  goods  and  chattels  acquired  and  collected  during  the  marriage 
shall  pass  to  the  surviving  partner,  but, 

Eighthly,  should  the  marriage  not  be  blessed  with  children,  then,  in  the  event 
of  one  partner  dying,  the  half  of  his  or  her  property  shall  pass  to  the  surviving 


J.    F.    REICHARDT 

Engraving   by   Riedel  from 
the  painting  by  Anton  Graff 


JEAN    FRANgOIS    LAHARPE 


ROSALIE    LEVASSEUR 


Engraving  hy  N.  Pruneau  from  a  bust  by  Philippe  Dwnoiit 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  21 

partner,  the  other  half  to  be  freely  disposed  of  by  either  party.  On  the  other  hand, 
Ninthly,  should  one  or  other  of  the  aforesaid  persons  depart  this  world  leaving 
one  or  more  children,  the  half-share  will  not  be  inherited  as  in  the  preceding 
paragraph  but  the  surviving  party  shall  inlierit  the  whole  and  entire  property 
nsHsfructus  until  the  children  are  of  age  and  only  after  reaching  their  majority  shall 
they  receive  their  separate  portions ; 

Tenthly  and  fmally  each  is  free  to  make  other  bequests  by  testament,  codicil 
or  donation. 

All  of  which  is  in  good  faith  and  without  deceit,  and  as  a  true  testimony  two 
identical  copies  of  this  marriage  contract  have  been  drawn  up,  signed  and  sealed 
by  both  marriage-partners  and  by  the  witnesses,  but  without  prejudice  or  detri- 
ment to  the  latter.  Made  in  Vienna  the  3rd  September  1750. 

[S]     Maria  Anna  Bergin  [S]     Christopf  [sic]  Gluck 

as  bride  as  bridegroom 

[S]     Theres  Bergin  widow  [S]     Giov.  Pietro  Sorosina^ 

as  bride's  mother.  come  testimonio 

[S]     Franz  Xav.  v.  Concin  JUDr.^  dalla  parte  del  signore  sposo. 

as  witness 
[S]    Joseph  Salliet  as      * 

lawfully  appointed  tutor 


*  Maria  Anna  Bergin  (bom  24th  July  1732  in  Vienna,  died  12th  March 
1 800,  also  in  Vienna)  was  the  daughter  of  a  bourgeois  merchant,  Joseph  Bergin, 
who  died  at  the  end  of  January  1738  at  the  age  of  fifty-two  and  was  buried 
1st  February  1738  in  St  Peter's  in  Vienna.  Her  mother,  Maria  Theresia,  nee 
Chini,  died  in  1756. 

2  Joseph  Niclas  Salliet,  a  bourgeois  merchant  and  guardian  of  Maria 
Anna  Bergin,  died  on  19th  June  1757  at  Oberlaa  (province  of  Rothneusiedel). 
^  The  religious  ceremony  took  place  on  15th  September  1750  in  the  St 
Ulrich  Church. 

*  Franz  Xaver  von  Concin  was  a  Court  Advocate  who  died  in  February 
1771  in  Vienna  at  the  age  of  sixty-two. 

^Johann  Peter  Edler  von  Sorosina  was  Court  Agent  in  the  Italian 
Department  and  died  in  July  1789  in  Vienna  at  the  age  of  ninety-two. 


[Charles  Simon  Favart^  to  Gluck.  French] 

Paris,  June  1763 

.  .  .  Monseigneur  the  Count  of  Durazzo^  informs  me  that  you  are  due  in  Paris 
in  the  course  of  this  month.  No  lover  of  the  arts  can  fail  to  know  your  reputation. 
I  have  not  the  honour  to  know  you  personally  but  I  have  always  wished  to  have 
this  advantage.  May  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  respond  to  my  plea?  Yes,  I 
venture  to  hope,  because  of  the  high  regard  in  which  I  have  always  held  your 
talents;  for  this  reason  I  count  upon  your  taking  no  other  lodging  than  with  me. 
In  my  house  I  have  a  furnished  appartment  to  offer  you;  there  you  will  fmd  a  good 

C.G.-C 


22  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

clavichord  as  well  as  other  instruments,  a  small  garden,  and  complete  freedom; 
in  other  words  you  will  feel  at  home  and  will  only  see  whomsoever  you  think  fit. 
Though  situated  in  one  of  the  busiest  quarters  of  Paris,  our  house,  between 
courtyard  and  garden,  provides  the  kind  of  solitude  in  which  one  can  work  as 
quietly  as  in  the  country.  If  I  am  fortunate  enough,  monsieur,  that  you  accept  my 
offer,  I  beg  you  to  inform  me  in  advance  of  the  day  of  your  arrival.  My  address 
is  Rue  Monconseil,  near  the  Comedie  Italienne,  opposite  the  main  gate  of  the 
Saint-Jacques-de-l'Hopital  cloister.  .  .  . 


1  Charles  Simon  Favart,  who  was  born  in  Paris  on  13th  November  1710, 
was  one  of  the  founders  of  French  operetta.  He  composed  some  150  works 
for  the  stage  with,  it  seems,  the  help  of  his  wife,  Maria  Justine  Duronceray 
(bom  Avignon,  15th  June  1727,  died  Paris,  22nd  April  1772),  who  played  the 
leading  part  in  her  husband's  productions  and  was  acclaimed  for  her  beauty 
and  grace.  Together  with  Count  Durazzo,  he  arranged  for  the  publication 
of  Gluck's  Orfeo,  which  took  place  in  1764.  As  he  knew  that  Gluck  was 
engaged  in  adapting  French  operettas  for  the  Vienna  Court,  he  was 
anxious  to  make  Gluck's  acquaintance.  No  answer  from  Gluck  to  Favart's 
letter  has  been  traced. 

^  GiACOMO  Count  Durazzo  (bom  27th  April  1717  in  Genoa,  died  15th 
October  1794),  was  Director  of  Court  and  Chamber  Music  from  1754  to  1764. 
As  he  appears  to  have  shown  too  great  a  preference  for  Gluck  over  Georg 
Reutter,  he  was  relieved  of  his  post  and  sent  to  Naples  as  Ambassador  [cf. 
R.  Haas:  Gluck  und  Durazzo  im  Burgtheater.  Vienna,  1925]. 


[To  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of  Toscana.^  Italian] 

[before  i6th  December  1767] 
Royal  Highness ! 

When  I  began  to  write  the  music  for  Alceste,  I  resolved  to  free 
it  from  all  the  abuses  which  have  crept  in  either  through  ill-advised 
vanity  on  the  part  of  singers  or  through  excessive  complaisance  on 
the  part  of  composers,  with  the  result  that  for  some  time  Italian 
opera  has  been  disfigured  and  from  being  the  most  splendid  and 
most  beautiful  of  all  stage  performances  has  been  made  the  most 
ridiculous  and  the  most  wearisome.  I  sought  to  restrict  the  music  to 
its  true  purpose  of  serving  to  give  expression  to  the  poetry  and  to 
strengthen  the  dramatic  situations,  without  interrupting  the  action 
or  hampering  it  with  unnecessary  and  superfluous  ornamentations. 
I  believed  that  it  should  achieve  the  same  effect  as  lively  colours 
and  a  well-balanced  contrast  of  light  and  shade  on  a  very  correct 
and  well-disposed  painting,  so  animating  the  figures  without  altering 
their  contours.  So  I  have  tried  to  avoid  interrupting  an  actor  in  the 
warmth  of  dialogue  with  a  boring  intermezzo  or  stopping  him  in 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gkck  23 

the  midst  of  his  discourse,  merely  so  that  the  flexibihty  of  his  voice 
might  show  to  advantage  in  a  long  passage,  or  that  the  orchestra 
might  give  him  time  to  collect  his  breath  for  a  cadenza.  I  did  not 
tliink  I  should  hurry  quickly  through  the  second  part  of  an  air,  which 
is  perhaps  the  most  passionate  and  most  important,  in  order  to  have 
room  to  repeat  the  words  of  the  first  part  regularly  four  times  or  to 
end  the  aria  quite  regardless  of  its  meaning,  in  order  to  give  the 
singer  an  opportunity  of  showing  how  he  can  render  a  passage  with 
so-and-so  many  variations  at  will ;  in  short,  I  have  sought  to  eHminate 
all  these  abuses,  against  which  sound  common  sense  and  reason 
have  so  long  protested  in  vain. 

I  imagined  that  the  overture  should  prepare  the  spectators  for  the 
action,  which  is  to  be  presented,  and  give  an  indication  of  its  subject; 
that  the  instrumental  music  should  vary  according  to  the  interest 
and  passion  aroused,  and  that  between  the  aria  and  the  recitative 
there  should  not  be  too  great  a  disparity,  lest  the  flow  of  the  period 
be  spoiled  and  rendered  meaningless,  the  movement  be  interrupted 
inopportunely,  or  the  warmth  of  the  action  be  dissipated.  I  believed 
further  that  I  should  devote  my  greatest  effort  to  seeking  to  achieve 
a  noble  simplicity;  and  I  have  avoided  parading  difficulties  at  the 
expense  of  clarity.  I  have  not  placed  any  value  on  novelty,  if  it  did 
not  emerge  naturally  from  the  situation  and  the  expression ;  and  there 
is  no  rule  I  would  not  have  felt  in  duty  bound  to  break  in  order  to 
achieve  the  desired  effect. 

These  are  my  principles.  Happily  all  my  intentions  fitted 
admirably  with  the  libretto,  in  which  the  famous  author  [Calzabigi],^ 
having  devised  a  new  plan  for  the  lyrical  drama,  had  replaced  florid 
descriptions,  superfluous  comparisons,  sententious  and  frigid  moral- 
isation  with  the  language  of  the  heart,  with  strong  passion,  interesting 
situations  and  an  ever-varied  spectacle.  My  maxims  have  been 
vindicated  by  success,  and  the  universal  approval  expressed  in  such 
an  enhghtened  city  [Vienna]  has  convinced  me  that  simphcity,  truth 
and  lack  of  affectation  are  the  sole  principles  of  beauty  in  all  artistic 
creations.  None  the  less,  in  spite  of  repeated  demands  by  the  most 
respectable  persons  that  I  should  decide  to  publish  this  opera  of  mine 
in  print,  I  have  realized  how  much  danger  lies  in  fighting  against  such 
widespread  and  deep-rooted  prejudices,  and  I  have  found  it  necessary 
to  avail  myself  in  advance  of  the  powerful  protection  of  Your  Royal 
Highness  by  imploring  the  favour  of  prefixing  my  opera  with  His 
August  Name,  which  so  justly  carries  with  it  the  approval  of  all 
enlightened  Europe.  The  great  protector  of  the  fine  arts,  who  rules 


24  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

over  a  nation,  which  is  famed  for  having  freed  them  from  universal 
oppression  and  for  having  set  in  each  of  them  the  finest  examples,  in  a 
city  which  has  always  been  the  first  to  break  the  yoke  of  vulgar 
prejudice  and  pave  the  way  to  perfection,  can  alone  undertake  the 
reform  of  this  noble  spectacle,  in  which  all  the  fme  arts  play  such  a 
large  part.  When  this  has  been  accomplished,  I  shall  have  the  glory 
of  having  moved  the  first  stone,  and  this  public  testimony  of  Your 
Highness's  protection,  for  which  I  have  the  honour  to  declare  myself 
with  the  most  humble  respect 

Your  Royal  Highness's 

Most  humble,  most  devoted, 

most  dutiful  servant 

Christoph  Gluck. 

^  Grand  Duee  Leopold  of  Toscana,  who  later  became  Emperor 
Leopold  II  (bom  5th  May  1747,  died  ist  March  1792),  was  a  particularly 
gifted  patron  of  music,  whom  Cherubini,  amongst  others,  had  to  thank  for 
his  training  [cf.  E.  Bellasis:  Cherubini.  1874,  p.  11;  E.  Hohenemser:  L. 
Cherubini.  1913,  p.  13].  He  was  the  last  of  the  House  of  Habsburg  to  wield 
any  musical  influence. 

2  The  famous  author  was  Ranieri  Simone  Francesco  Maria  Calzabigi.  He 
was  bom  at  Leghorn  on  23rd  December  1714.  In  1740  he  was  already  a 
member  of  the  learned  Accademia  strusea  di  Cortona  and  in  the  same  year 
published  his  first  poem,  which  is  still  extant.  From  1743  onwards  he  lived 
in  Naples,  where  he  was  employed  in  a  Ministry.  In  1745  he  made  his  first 
venture  into  drama  with  L'impero  del  Universo  diviso  con  Giove,  which  was 
set  to  music  by  Gemiaro  Manna.  He  travelled  to  Paris  around  1750,  following 
a  trial  for  murder  by  poisoning,  and  there  he  produced  Metastasio's  works  in 
9  volumes  with  the  publishing  house  of  Veuve  Quillau.  With  his  younger 
brother  Giovanni  Antonio  and  Casanova,  he  started  a  lottery  in  1757.  About 
1 76 1  he  was  a  Privy  Councillor  with  the  Netherlands  Chamber  of  Accounts 
in  Vierma.  There  he  won  favour  with  Count  Kaunitz,  to  whom  he  dedicated 
the  first  edition  of  his  works  in  1774.  Through  Kaunitz  he  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Gluck.  Apart  from  the  works  he  wrote  for  Gluck,  there  were  also  the 
comic  operas  La  critica  teatrale,  which  with  Gennaro  Astaritta's  music  was 
produced  at  the  Venice  Carnival  of  1775,  and  La  finta  Giardiniera,  which  was 
produced  in  Naples  in  1767  with  music  by  Piccinni  and  in  Munich  in  1775 
with  music  by  Mozart  (and  in  a  special  adaptation  by  Marco  Coltellini). 
Relations  with  an  actress  took  him  to  Leghorn;  then  he  moved  to  Pisa  and 
from  1780  onwards  he  was  in  Naples.  There  he  wrote  the  librettos  of 
Giovanni  Paesiello's  Elfrida  and  Elvira,  which  were  not  a  success.  He  died  in 
Naples  in  July  1795.  Of  considerable  interest  are  his  Dissertazione  su  le 
poesie  drammatiche  del  Sig.  Abate  Pietro  Metastasio  (1755)  and  his  Risposta 
(1790),  in  which  he  defended  himself  and  took  issue  with  Metastasio  following 
an  attack  by  Stefano  Arteaga  in  the  Rivoluzioni  (1785)  [cf.  G.  Lazzeri:  La 
vita  e  V opera  ktteraria  di  Ranieri  Calzabigi.  1907 ;  Gluck-Jahrbuch,  2, 3  (Einstein), 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  25 

4  (Michel);  J.-G.  Prod'homme:  'Deux  Collaboratcurs  Italiens  de  Gluck'. 
Rivista  musicale  üaliana,  XXIII.  1916]. 


[To  Wenzel  Anton  Prince  Kaunitz-Rietberg.^    German] 

pr.  3rd  January  1770 
Most  Serene  Prince ! 
Most  Gracious  Lord ! 

The  high  protection  and  especial  favour  which  your  Serene 
Highness  has  heaped  upon  me  at  all  times  encourage  me  to  have 
recourse  to  Your  Highness,  in  order  to  be  able  to  escape  the  unhappy 
misfortune  before  me. 

At  the  suggestion  of  His  Supreme  Majesty  the  Emperor,^  I 
joined  the  Society  of  the  Teatral  Imprese  with  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Afflisio,^  confident  that,  by  virtue  of  the  imperial  decrees,  he  would 
be  able  to  dismiss  the  French  Comedy,  and  to  this  end  I  advanced 
^  f.  as  my  share,  and  entered  into  a  bond  with  Baron  Fries*  and 
Bender,^  the  first  for  3,000  annually,  the  other  8,000  f.  together  with 
interest  to  meet  their  demand  for  payment  over  a  total  of  six  years ; 
as  this  plan  has  now  been  completely  set  at  nought  by  the  latest 
decrees  of  H.M.  the  Emperor,  I  am  not  only  unable  to  meet  my 
commitments  but,  thanks  to  this  chicanery,  may  be  exposed  to  a 
lawsuit,  and  to  see  the  money  advanced  disappear  httle  by  little  and 
become  lost,  for  I  cannot  seek  any  redress  from  Afflisio,  as  his  debts 
by  far  exceed  his  assets ;  he  owes  ^  f.  to  H  :v  Bender,  f^  £  to  Baron 
Fries,  ^  f.  to  me,  apart  from  what  he  owes  His  Majesty's  Court  and 
any  debts  which  may  be  hidden  to  date,  and  his  whole  position, 
with  deposito.  Hetz  and  Teatral  effects  may  amount  to  some  ^  £ 

Now  I  do  admit  that  the  aforesaid  d' Afflisio  may  have  earned  the 
ill-favour  of  Your  Serene  Highness,  but  the  humanity  which  Your 
Serene  Highness  is  known  to  have  displayed  at  all  times  gives  me 
firm  confidence  that  Your  Highness  will  not  permit  ruin  to  befall 
me;  everyone  is  convinced  that  no  man  exists  who  might  ever  have 
suffered  any  harm  through  Your  Supreme  Highness,  but  Your 
Highness  has  given  the  world  enough  evidence  of  your  good-hearted 
nature. 

This  allows  me  to  entertain  the  most  confident  hope  that  Your 
Serene  Highness  will  either  graciously  intervene  in  the  affairs  of 
Afflisio  or,  with  a  gesture  of  generosity,  fmd  a  means  whereby  mine 
may  soon  be  set  at  rights,  especially  as  a  part  of  the  money  has 
been  advanced  to  me,  while  a  further  portion  is  the  property  of  my 


26  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

wife,  a  circumstance  which  has  so  affected  her  that  her  health  has 
aheady  suffered. 

I  ask  most  humbly  that  my  plea  be  heard  and  remain  with  deepest 
respect, 

Most  Serene  Prince, 

Your  Serene  Highness's 

Most  humble  and  obedient 

Servant  Christof  Gluck. 
Vienna  3  ist  December 

1769 
[Address :] 

To  Your  Serene  Highness  the 
Prince  von  Kaunitz  (P.T.) 
Most  humble  request  from  me  named  within. 

1  Wenzel  Anton  Prince  Kaunitz-Rietberg  was  born  on  2nd 
February  171 1.  After  a  number  of  foreign  political  missions,  which  took  him, 
amongst  other  places,  to  London  in  1747,  he  became  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  Vienna  in  1753  and  Maria  Theresia's  closest  adviser.  He  was  an 
outstanding  patron  of  the  arts  and  did  much  to  encourage  talented  young 
artists.  He  died  in  Vienna  on  27th  July  1794. 

2  The  Emperor  at  that  time  was  Joseph  II  (1765-1790)  who  until  1780  was 
only  co-regent  with  his  mother  for  the  Austrian  territories  and  therefore 
wielded  no  particular  influence. 

^  The  correct  name  of  the  Italian  Giuseppe  Afflisio  (or  Affligio)  appears  to 
have  been  Maratti,  and  he  is  reputed  to  have  been  bom  in  Florence  c.  1720. 
He  was  an  adventurer  and  gambler  who  had  illicitly  acquired  an  officer's 
commission  and  boasted  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel.  He  took  over 
the  Impresa,  which  was  to  cost  Gluck  so  much  money,  on  i6th  May  1767. 
He  was  involved  in  a  well-known  lawsuit  with  Leopold  Mozart.  He  was 
eventually  sentenced  to  a  term  of  imprisonment  for  forgery.  He  died  after  1 779. 
*  Johann  von  Fries  was  bom  in  Mühlhausen  on  19th  May  1719  and  came 
of  an  old  Swiss  patrician  family.  He  devoted  himself  to  commerce,  became 
Burgomaster  of  Zürich  and  was  President  of  the  Council  for  the  thirteen 
cantons  in  Switzerland.  On  many  occasions  he  performed  great  services  to 
Austria,  and  was  therefore  allowed  to  open  a  branch  in  Vienna  and  was 
knighted  by  Maria  Theresia  on  24th  November  1757.  In  1762  (15th  Decem- 
ber), as  a  reward  for  the  financial  help  he  had  given  in  the  Seven  Years'  War, 
he  was  made  a  Freiherr  and  finally  on  5th  April  1783  became  an  Imperial 
Count.  He  died  in  Voeslau  near  Vienna  on  19th  June  1785.  He  married  Anna 
d'Eschemy  and  his  son  was  Moriz  Count  von  Fries  (1777-1825),  the  well- 
known  patron  of  the  arts. 

^Bender,  probably  Johann  Blasius  Bender,  who  was  bom  in  1713  in 
Gengcnbach  in  Swabia  and  entered  the  Austrian  Imperial  Service  in  1733. 
For  his  deeds  of  heroism  at  Berlin  and  Torgau  in  1769  and  for  other  services 
rendered,  Joseph  II  made  him  a  Freiherr.  He  died  in  Prague  on  20th  Novem- 
ber 1798. 


of  Christoph  M'^illibnJd  Ghck  27 

[To  Duke  Don  Giovanni  di  Braganza.^  Italian] 

Vienna,  30tli  October  1770 
Highness ! 

In  dedicating  my  latest  work  to  Your  Highness,  I  crave  not  so 
much  a  protector  as  a  judge.  A  spirit  secure  against  the  prejudices  of 
habit,  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  great  principles  of  art,  a  taste 
formed  not  so  much  on  great  models  as  on  the  immutable  founda- 
tions of  beauty  and  truth,  these  are  the  attributes  which  I  seek  in 
my  Maecenas  and  which  I  fmd  united  in  Your  Highness.  The  sole 
reason  that  induced  me  to  publish  my  music  for  Alceste^  was  the  hope 
of  finding  imitators  who,  spurred  on  by  the  full  support  of  an 
enlightened  public,  would  follow  the  new  trail  and  would  summon 
the  courage  to  eliminate  the  abuses  which  have  crept  into  the  ItaHan 
theatre  and  bring  it  as  near  perfection  as  possible.  I  reproach  myself 
for  having  thus  far  attempted  to  do  this  in  vain.  The  demi-savants 
and  professors  of  taste,  whose  number  is  unhappily  legion  and  who 
represent  the  greatest  barrier  to  artistic  progress,  have  come  out  in 
opposition  to  a  method  which,  if  it  should  gain  a  footing,  would 
destroy  at  once  all  their  pretensions  as  critics  and  as  creators.  They 
believed  they  could  pass  judgment  on  Alceste  after  chaotic,  badly 
directed  and  even  more  badly  executed  rehearsals ;  the  attempt  was 
made  to  gauge  in  a  room  the  effect  produced  in  a  theatre,  with  the 
same  ingenuity  as  was  once  employed  in  a  city  in  Greece  to  judge 
statues,  which  were  intended  to  stand  on  lofty  colums,  from  a  few 
feet  away.  One  delicate  ear  found  an  air  too  harsh  or  a  transition  too 
forceful  and  badly  prepared,  without  pausing  to  consider  that  full 
force  of  expression  and  maximum  contrast  were  called  for.  One 
pedantic  harmonist  took  advantage  of  a  judicious  oversight  or  a 
fault  in  the  score  to  denounce  the  one  and  the  other  as  unpardonable 
sins  against  the  mysteries  of  harmony;  and  then  voices  were  raised 
in  unison  against  this  allegedly  barbarous  and  extravagant  music. 

It  is  true  that  other  scores  have  been  judged  by  the  same  criterion, 
and  judgment  on  them  is  given  with  no  less  assurance;  but  Your 
Highness  can  easily  see  the  reason  for  this.  The  more  one  seeks  truth 
and  perfection,  the  more  necessary  is  it  to  be  precise  and  exact.  The 
quahties  which  distinguish  Raphael^  from  a  dozen  other  painters 
are  imperceptible,  and,  any  alteration  of  contour,  which  might  be 
permissible  in  caricature,  would  wholly  disfigure  the  portrait  of  a 
beautiful  woman.  Little  or  nothing,  apart  from  a  shght  alteration 
in  the  mode  of  expression,  would  be  needed  to  turn  my  aria  in 
Orfeo,  'Che  faro  senze  Euridice?',  into  a  puppet-dance.^  One  note 


28  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

more  or  less  sustained,  failure  to  increase  the  tempo  or  make  the 
voice  louder,  one  appoggiatura  out  of  place,  a  frill,  a  passage  or 
roulade,  can  ruin  a  whole  scene  in  such  an  opera.  And  when  it  is  a 
question  of  executing  music  written  according  to  the  principles  I 
have  laid  down,  the  presence  of  the  composer  is,  so  to  speak,  as 
necessary  as  the  presence  of  the  sun  to  the  works  of  nature.  He  is  the 
absolute  life  and  soul,  and  without  him  everything  remains  in 
confusion  and  darkness.  But  one  must  be  prepared  for  these  obstacles 
as  long  as  one  lives  in  the  same  world  with  people  who  feel  they  have 
the  authority  to  judge  the  fme  arts  just  because  they  are  privileged  to 
possess  a  pair  of  eyes  and  a  pair  of  ears,  no  matter  which.  It  is 
unhappily  an  all  too  common  mistake  amongst  men,  this  mania  for 
talking  of  things  they  least  understand,  and  I  have  lately  seen  one  of 
the  greatest  philosophers  of  the  century  take  to  writing  on  music 
and  pronounce  like  an  oracle : 

'Dreams  of  the  blind  and  tricks  of  romance'.^ 

Your  Highness  will  already  have  read  the  text  of  Paris  and  will 
have  noted  that  it  does  not  present  the  composer's  imagination 
with  those  strong  passions,  those  great  images  and  those  tragic 
situations,  which  move  the  audience  in  Alceste  and  give  so  much 
opportunity  for  artistic  effects ;  for  which  reason  one  must  not  expect 
the  same  force  and  energy  in  the  music,  just  as  in  a  painting  with  full 
light  one  does  not  expect  the  same  effects  of  chiaroscuro,  the  same 
sharp  contrasts  as  the  painter  can  employ  with  a  subject  which 
enables  him  to  choose  a  subdued  hght.  Here  we  are  dealing  not  with 
a  wife  who  is  in  danger  of  losing  her  husband  and,  in  order  to  save 
him,  has  the  courage  to  venture  forth  into  the  black  shadows  of  the 
night  and  call  upon  infernal  spirits  in  some  fearful  forest  glade,  who 
even  in  her  last  death-agony  trembles  for  the  fate  of  her  sons  and 
cannot  tear  herself  away  from  a  husband  whom  she  adores.  We  are 
dealing  with  a  young  lover  who  finds  himself  for  a  time  at  odds  with 
the  strange  humours  of  a  noble  and  proud  woman  and  fmally,  with 
all  the  art  of  a  tireless  passion,  triumphs  over  her.  I  have  been  obliged 
to  seek  some  variety  of  colour,  which  I  found  in  the  diverse 
characters  of  the  two  nations,  the  Phrygian  and  the  Spartan,  and  I 
was  able  to  contrast  the  roughness  and  wildness  of  the  one  with  the 
tenderness  and  softness  of  the  other.  I  believed  that,  as  songs  in  an 
opera  are  merely  another  form  of  declamation,  I  must  reproduce  in 
Helen  the  native  harshness  of  her  race,  and  I  thought  that,  to  preserve 
this  character  in  the  music,  it  would  not  be  held  against  me  if  from 


of  Christoph  WiUihaU  Gluck  29 

time  to  time  I  descended  to  the  trivial.  When  one  is  in  search  of  truth, 
one  must  vary  one's  style  according  to  the  subject  in  hand,  and  the 
greatest  beauties  of  melody  and  harmony  become  defective  and 
imperfect  if  they  are  not  in  their  proper  place.  I  do  not  hope  for 
more  success  from  my  Paris  than  from  Alceste,  inasmuch  as  it  is  my 
aim  to  produce  a  desired  reformation  in  composers  of  music,  and  in 
this  I  foresee  greater  and  greater  obstacles,  but,  as  for  me,  I  will  not 
allow  myself  to  be  deterred  from  making  new  efforts  towards  this 
worthy  end,  and,  should  I  receive  the  approval  of  Your  Highness,  I 
shall  continue  to  repeat  happily : 

Tolle  Syparium  sufficit  mihi  unus  Plato  pro  aincto  populo.* 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with 

deepest  respect, 

Your  Highness's 

Most  humble,  most  devoted  and 

most  obedient  servant 

ChevaHer  Christof  Gluck. 

^  Duke  Don  Giovanni  di  Braganza  was  keenly  devoted  to  the  arts. 
The  EngUsh  music  liistorian  Charles  Burney  writes  of  him  in  his  Diary  of  a 
musical  journey  (1773,  vol.  11,  p.  89):  '.  .  .  an  excellent  judge  of  music, 
and  who  condescended  to  converse  with  me  a  considerable  time  on  the 
subject.  This  prince  is  a  great  traveller,  having  visited  England,  France,  and 
Italy,  before  his  arrival  in  Germany.  He  is  very  lively,  and  occasioned  much 
mirth  by  his  pleasantries,  which  were  all  seasoned  with  good  humour.' 
^  Gluck's  Alceste  had  been  published  by  Trattnem  in  Vieima  in  1769. 
^  Raphael  was  bom  on  i8th  March  1483  in  Urbino,  the  son  of  the  painter 
Giovanni  Santi  and  of  Magia  Ciarla.  About  1500  he  became  a  pupil  of 
Perugino  in  Perugia.  In  1504  he  came  to  Florence  and  in  1509  the  period 
of  his  Roman  masterpieces  began.  In  15 15  Pope  Leo  X  made  him  Prefect  of 
Antiquities.  He  died  in  Rome  on  6th  April  1520  and  was  buried  in  the 
Pantheon  beside  his  betrothed,  Marietta,  a  niece  of  Cardinal  Bibbiena 
[cf.  Venturi:  Raffaello.  1920]. 

*  How  right  Gluck  was  with  his  remark  that  a  change  of  expression  would 
turn  the  aria  'Che  faro  senze  Euridice?'  into  a  puppet-dance  is  clear  from 
the  use  made  of  the  aria  in  Tommaso  Traetta's  opera  buffa  It  cavaliere 
errante  (Venice,  1778),  in  which  Guido,  who  has  gone  mad  and  imagines 
himself  to  be  Orpheus,  completely  debases  the  piece.  The  text  was  filled 
with  comic  touches  by  Bertati;  alterations  in  Gluck's  instrumentation  and 
the  omission  of  the  second  incidental  passage  increase  the  impression  of 
monotony,  which  is  already  perceptible  in  the  original,  to  the  point  of 
boredom  [cf.  Denkmäler  der  Tonkunst  in  Oesterreich,  Vol.  44a,  pp.  I75ff.]. 
^  The  quotation  'Sogni  di  ciechi,  e  fole  di  romanzi'  is  taken  from  Stefano 
Arteaga's  Le  rivoluzioni  del  teatro  musicale  italiano  dalla  sua  origine  fino  al 
presento  {Bologna,  ijS^). 


30  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

^ 'Tolle  Syparium  .  .  .'is  an  allusion  to  the  anecdote  concerning  Plato  and 
Antimachus,  which  Cicero  tells  in  his  Brutus  (chapter  51)  and  Plutarch  refers 
to  in  his  Lysander  (chapter  18).  The  classical  'Plato  enim  mihi  unus  instar 
est  omnium'  has  been  rendered  in  neo-classical  Latin,  and  the  expression 
'tollere  siparium'  (not  'syparium'  as  Gluck  spells  it)  also  dates  the  author 
who  confuses  'siparium'  (drop-scene)  with  'aulaeum'  (final  curtain). 


[To  THE  Merciire  de  France.  French^ 

February  1773 
M. 

I  would  lay  myself  open  to  just  reproach,  and  I  would  reproach 
myself  most  severely,  if,  after  having  read  the  letter  v^itten  from 
here  to  one  of  the  directors  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Music,  which 
you  published  in  the  Mercure  of  October  last  and  the  subject  of 
which  is  the  opera  Iphigenie — if,  I  say,  after  having  expressed  to  the 
author  of  this  letter  my  appreciation  of  the  praises  he  was  pleased  to 
heap  upon  me,  I  did  not  hasten  to  point  out  that  his  friendship  and  too 
strong  a  prejudice  in  my  favour  have  undoubtedly  carried  him  away, 
and  that  I  am  very  far  from  flattering  myself  that  I  deserve  the  praise 
he  accords  me.  I  would  reproach  myself  even  more,  if  I  consented 
to  accept  the  credit  for  having  invented  the  newformof  ItaHan  opera, 
the  success  of  which  has  fully  justified  the  experiment;  it  is  to  M. 
de  Calzabigi  that  the  chief  merit  belongs ;  and  if  my  music  has  met 
with  some  approbation,  I  feel  bound  to  admit  that  it  is  to  him  I  am 
indebted  for  this,  since  it  is  he  who  made  it  possible  for  me  to 
develop  the  resources  of  my  art.  This  author,  full  of  genius  and 
talent,  has  in  his  poems  Orphee,  Alceste  and  Paris  pursued  a  course 
which  is  virtually  unknown  to  the  Italians.  These  works  are  full 
of  happy  situations,  of  those  elements  of  terror  and  pathos  which 
give  a  composer  the  opportunity  to  express  great  passion  and  to 
create  forceful  and  moving  music.  Whatever  talent  the  composer 
may  have,  he  will  never  create  more  than  mediocre  music,  if  the  poet 
does  not  arouse  in  him  that  enthusiasm  without  which  all  artistic 
productions  are  weak  and  spiritless ;  to  imitate  nature  is  the  acknow- 
ledged aim  which  they  must  all  set  themselves.  This  is  the  aim  which 
I  seek  to  attain :  always  as  simple  and  natural  as  possible,  my  music 
merely  strives  to  achieve  the  fullest  expression  and  to  reinforce  the 
poetic  declamation.  That  is  the  reason  why  I  do  not  employ  the 
trills,  passages  or  cadenzas  in  which  the  Itahans  revel.  Their  language, 
which  lends  itself  to  these  so  easily,  therefore  has  no  advantage  for 
me  in  this  respect,  though  it  has  doubtless  many  others;  but,  born 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gkck  31 

in  Germany,  any  study  I  may  have  made  of  the  Itahan  language,  as 
also  of  the  French  language,  is  not,  I  beheve,  sufficient  to  enable  mc 
to  appreciate  the  delicate  nuances  which  may  render  one  preferable 
to  the  other,  and  I  tliink  that  all  foreigners  should  abstain  from 
judging  their  respective  merits;  but  what  I  think  is  permissible  for 
me  to  say  is  that  the  language  which  will  always  appeal  to  me  most  is 
that  in  which  the  poet  provides  me  with  the  most  varied  oppor- 
tunities to  express  the  emotions ;  this  is  the  advantage  I  beheve  I  have 
found  in  the  text  of  the  opera  Iphigenie,  in  which  the  poetry  seemed 
to  me  to  have  all  the  vigour  required  to  inspire  good  music.  Although 
I  have  never  been  in  the  position  of  offering  my  works  to  any  theatre, 
I  cannot  hold  it  against  the  writer  of  the  letter  to  one  of  the  Directors 
that  he  proposed  my  Iphigenie  to  your  Academy  of  Music.  I  confess 
that  I  would  have  been  pleased  to  produce  it  in  Paris,  because,  by 
its  effect  and  with  the  help  of  the  famous  M.  Rousseau^  of  Geneva 
whom  I  intended  to  consult,  we  might  together,  in  seeking  a  noble, 
moving  and  natural  melody  wdth  a  declamation  in  keeping  with  the 
prosody  of  each  language  and  the  character  of  each  people,  have 
succeeded  in  finding  the  medium  I  have  in  mind  for  producing  a 
type  of  music  suited  to  all  nations  and  in  ehminating  the  absurd 
distinctions  between  national  forms  of  music.  The  study  I  have  made 
of  this  great  man's  works  on  music,  amongst  others  the  letter  in 
which  he  analyses  the  monologue  of  Lully's^  Armide,  prove  the 
depth  of  his  knowledge  and  his  sureness  of  taste  and  have  filled  me 
with  admiration.  I  was  left  with  the  profound  conviction  that  if  he 
had  chosen  to  devote  himself  to  the  apphcation  of  this  art,  he  would 
have  been  able  to  achieve  the  prodigious  effects  which  the  ancients 
attributed  to  music.  I  am  delighted  to  have  this  opportunity  of 
paying  him  pubhcly  this  tribute  which  I  beheve  he  deserves. 

I  beg  you.  Monsieur,  to  have  the  goodness  to  publish  this  letter 
in  your  next  Mercure. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 
Chevalier  Gluck. 


Gluck's  letter  aroused  the  following  comment  in  the  Metnoires  secretes 
pubHshed  by  Bacheaumont:  'A  letter  has  appeared  in  the  Mercure  from  the 
famous  Gluck,  the  German  musician,  who  offered  to  send  the  Directors  of  the 
Opera,  or  rather  to  bring  them,  the  Iphigenie  [en  Aulide]  of  Racine  [arranged 
by  the  Bailli  du  Roullet]  set  to  music.  These  gentlemen,  who  have  little 
interest  in  foreign  music  and  fear  that  it  may  discredit  their  own,  did  not  take 
up  the  proposal.  Happily  the  Sr.  Gluck  thought  fit  to  arrive,  and,  as  he  has 
the  honour  to  be  known  to  Madame  la  Dauphine  [Marie  Antoinette],  it  is 


32  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

to  be  hoped  that  he  will  enjoy  enough  protection  to  have  his  opera  produced. 
This  princess  has  given  him  permission  to  call  on  her  at  any  time.* 

^  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau,  the  famous  French  philosopher  and  writer,  was 
bom  in  Geneva  on  28th  June  1712.  Although  he  had  not  studied  music,  he  had 
taken  an  active  interest  in  the  subject  from  his  youth.  Later  he  composed 
and  wrote  on  music.  In  the  quarrel  between  the  buffonists  and  the  anti- 
bufFonists  he  sided  with  the  Italians  and,  together  with  Baron  Melchior 
Grimm,  was  one  of  their  earliest  and  most  faithful  champions.  With  his 
dramatic  opera  Le  devin  du  village  (1752)  he  paved  the  way  for  the  French 
operetta,  and  his  lyrical  play  Pygmalion  (produced  in  Lyons  in  1770  with 
music  by  Horace  Goignet)  was  the  forerunner,  though  this  was  not  his 
intention,  of  the  spoken  melodrama.  Rousseau,  who  belonged  to  the  circle  of 
the  Encyclopaedists,  also  published  a  Dictionnaire  de  Musique  (1767)  and 
wrote  an  unpublished  work  on  the  theory  of  harmony.  He  died  at  Ermenon- 
ville  near  Paris  on  2nd  July  1773  [cf.  A.Jansen:  J.J.  Rousseau  als  Musiker, 
1884;  A.  Pougin:  J.y.  Rousseau  musicien,  1901 ;  J.  Tiersot :_/._/.  Rousseau,  1912; 
E.  Faquet:  Rousseau  artiste,  191 3].  His  'Lettre  sur  la  musique  fran^aise',  which 
Gluck  mentions,  also  appeared  in  his  CEuvres  completes,  1795,  Vol.  XIII, 
p.  243. 

2  Jean  Baptiste  Lully  was  bom  in  Florence  on  29th  November  1632.  He 
went  to  Paris  in  1646  as  a  kitchen-boy,  then  became  a  music  page.  After  join- 
ing the  24  Violons  du  Roi'  of  Louis  XIV,  he  won  the  King's  favour  and  was 
made  leader  of  the  group.  Lully  then  created  an  elite  orchestra  of  sixteen 
petits  violons.  In  1653  he  became  Court  Composer.  He  was  a  skilled 
dancer,  a  good  actor  and  a  lively  conductor.  He  died  in  Paris  on  22nd  March 
1687.  As  a  composer,  Lully  made  a  considerable  mark  on  his  period  and  his 
influence  extended  far  beyond  France.  His  numerous  operas,  in  which  he 
was  ably  supported  by  the  poet  Quinault,  dominated  the  French  National 
Opera,  which  he  founded,  up  to  the  time  of  Gluck  [cf.  H.  Pruni^res :  Lully, 
1910:  L.  de  la  Laurencie:  Lf^///,  191 1]. 

The  above  letter  is  probably  not  an  exact  reproduction  of  Gluck's 
original  letter  butacopy  of  the  text  as  edited  by  the  Bailli  du  Roullet  [cf. 
p.  67].  The  initial  pretext  for  Gluck's  letter  was  another  letter  from 
Vienna  which  had  appeared  in  the  Mercure  de  France  in  October  1772  and 
which  ran  as  follows : 

[Letter  I] 

Vienna  in  Austria 
1st  August  1772 
The  esteem  due  to  you.  Monsieur,  both  for  your  undoubtedly  most  distin- 
guished talents  and  for  the  openness  of  your  character,  with  which  I  am  especially 
familiar,  has  made  me  resolve  to  write  to  you,  in  order  to  inform  you  that  the 
famous  M.  Glouch  [sic],  so  well-known  throughout  Europe,  has  made  a  French 
opera  which  he  would  like  to  see  produced  on  the  Paris  stage.  This  great  man, 
after  having  made  more  than  forty  Italian  operas  which  have  had  the  greatest 
success  in  all  the  theatres  where  this  language  is  employed,  became  convinced, 
after  making  a  close  study  of  ancient  and  modem  works  and  reflecting  deeply  on 
his  art,  that  the  Italians  had  wandered  away  from  the  true  path  in  their  theatrical 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  33 

compositions;  that  the  French  form  was  the  true  musical  drama;  that,  if  until 
now  it  had  not  achieved  perfection,  the  fault  lay  not  so  much  with  the  truly 
admirable  French  musicians  as  with  the  poets,  who,  knowing  notliing  of  the 
range  of  which  music  is  capable,  had  in  their  compositions  preferred  esprit  to 
sentiment,  gallantry  to  passion,  polished  and  colourful  verses  to  a  moving  style  or 
situation.  Following  these  reflections  and  having  communicated  his  ideas  to  a 
man  of  much  intelligence,  talent  and  taste,  he  obtained  from  him  two  Italian  poems 
wliich  he  set  to  music.  He  himself  had  these  two  operas  produced  on  the  stage  in 
Parma,  Milan,  Naples,  etc.  There  they  had  an  incredible  success  and  in  Italy 
produced  a  revolution  in  this  particular  form  of  art.  Last  winter  the  City  of 
Boulogne  [Bologna]  produced  one  of  those  operas  in  M.  Glouch's  absence.^  His 
success  in  that  city  attracted  more  than  twenty  thousand  spectators  who  were 
anxious  to  see  the  performances;  Boulogne  has  earned  from  this  production  more 
than  eighty  thousand  ducats,  about  900,000  French  livres.  On  his  return  here  M. 
Glouch,  enlightened  by  his  own  experience,  formed  the  impression  that  the 
Italian  language,  more  suited  by  the  frequent  repetition  of  vowels  to  what  the 
Italians  call  passages,  had  not  the  clarity  and  forcefulness  of  the  French  language ; 
that  the  very  quality  we  have  just  conceded  to  the  former  had  the  effect  of  destroy- 
ing true  dramatic  music,  in  which  any  'passage'  was  out  of  place  or  at  least 
weakened  the  expression.  Having  made  these  observations,  M.  Glouch  was 
indignant  at  rash  assertions  by  those  of  our  famous  writers  who  have  dared  to 
calumniate  the  French  language  by  maintaining  that  it  did  not  lend  itself  to  great 
musical  creation.  On  this  subject  no  one  is  more  competent  to  judge  than  M. 
Glouch ;  he  has  a  complete  command  of  both  languages,  and,  although  he  speaks 
French  with  difficulty,  he  has  a  thorough  knowledge  of  it;  he  has  made  a  special 
study  of  it  and  knows  all  its  finer  shades  of  meaning,  particularly  in  prosody  on 
which  he  has  made  some  profound  observations.  For  some  time  past  he  has  been 
trying  out  his  knowledge  of  both  languages  in  different  forms  and  has  been 
successful  in  a  social  milieu  in  which  they  are  equally  familiar,  although  French 
is  commonly  preferred,  a  milieu,  moreover,  all  the  more  capable  of  judging  talents 
of  this  kind  as  the  ears  and  taste  of  the  audience  are  continually  regaled  by  them. 
Since  making  these  observations,  M.  Glouch  wanted  to  be  able  to  support  his 
view  in  favour  of  the  French  language  by  practical  experience,  and  by  chance  the 
tragic  opera  Iphigenie  en  Aulide  came  his  way.  He  believed  that  he  had  found  in 
this  work  what  he  was  seeking.  The  author  or,  more  precisely,  the  adaptor  of  f-^^  ^Uf^ 
this  poem  [N..F.  Guillard]  seems  to  me  to  have  followed  Racine  with  the  most  'k^'»-  ■:■'''-'""•  ^-•^ 
scrupulous  care.  It  is,  in  fact,  his  Iphigenie  which  has  been  made  into  an  opera. 
To  achieve  this,  it  was  necessary  to  restrict  the  action  and  to  leave  out  the  part  of 
Euriphile.  Calcas  has  been  introduced  in  the  first  act  in  place  of  the  confidant 
Areas;  in  this  way  the  unfolding  of  the  situation  has  been  changed,  the  subject 
has  been  simplified,  and  the  action,  being  more  concentrated,  moves  more  rapidly 
to  its  climax.  These  changes  did  not,  however,  mean  any  slackening  of  interest, 
which  seemed  to  be  as  sustained  as  in  Racine's  tragedy.  The  denouement  of  this 
great  man's  work,  as  he  devised  it,  could  not  be  retained  in  the  opera;  but  cutting 
the  Euriphile  episode,  a  much  more  lively  denouement  has  been  substituted,  which 
must  be  very  effective  and  which  was  suggested  to  the  author  as  much  by  the 
Greek  tragedies  as  by  Racine  himself  in  the  Preface  to  his  Iphigenie.  The  entire 
work  has  been  broken  up  into  three  acts,  a  division  which  seems  to  me  more 
appropriate  to  a  form  of  art  that  requires  very  rapid  action.  In  each  act  a  brilliant 


34  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

divertissement  has  been  introduced  which  does  not  interfere  with  the  plot  but,  on 
the  contrary,  is  so  attuned  to  it  as  to  form  part  of  it,  stimulate  it  and  round  it  off. 
Great  care  has  been  taken  to  maintain,  a  contrast  between  situations  and  characters, 
thus  producing  the  variety  necessary  to  hold  the  audience's  attention  and  interest 
throughout  the  entire  production.  Without  having  recourse  to  machinery  and 
without  incurring  any  great  expense,  ways  and  means  have  been  found  of  presenting 
a  spectacle  which  is  noble  and  sumptuous  to  the  eye.  I  do  not  believe  a  new  opera 
has  ever  been  produced  on  the  stage  demanding  less  expenditure  and  yet  affording 
such  a  magnificent  spectacle.  The  author  of  this  poem,  the  entire  presentation  of 
which,  including  the  divertissements,  lasts  at  most  two  and  a  half  hours,  has  made  it 
his  duty  to  use  the  thoughts  and  even  the  verses  of  Racine,  wherever  the  medium 
of  the  opera,  which  is  so  different,  allowed  it.  These  verses  have  been  incorporated 
vdth  so  much  artistry  that  one  is  aware  of  virtually  no  disparity  with  the  general 
style  of  the  work.  The  choice  of  Iphigenie  en  Aulide  seemed  to  me  a  particularly 
happy  one  as  the  author,  by  following  Racine  as  closely  as  possible,  was  assured 
of  the  effect  of  his  work  and  by  this  assurance  was  amply  compensated  for  any  loss 
o£ amour-propre  he  may  have  suffered. 

The  name  of  M.  Glouch  alone  would  release  me  from  any  obligation. 
Monsieur,  to  speak  to  you  of  the  music  of  this  opera,  if  the  pleasure  it  gave  me  in 
several  performances  allowed  me  to  keep  silent.  It  has  seemed  to  me  that  this 
great  man  had  exhausted  all  the  resources  of  art  in  tlais  composition.  Simple, 
natural  songs,  always  imbued  with  the  most  true  and  sensitive  expression  and  with 
the  most  flattering  melody;  an  infinite  variety  of  ideas  and  of  nuances;  a  most 
impressive  use  of  harmony  to  express  terror,  pathos  and  tenderness  alike;  a  fast- 
moving  recitative  wliich  is  also  noble  and  expressive ;  finally,  perfect  examples  of 
French  recitative  at  its  most  declamatory,  a  great  variety  of  dance-airs  of  a  new 
kind  and  most  agreeably  fresh,  choruses,  duets,  trios  and  quartets  all  equally 
expressive  and  moving,  with  scrupulous  attention  to  the  prosody;  in  short, 
everything  in  this  work  seems  very  suited  to  our  taste  and  nothing  seemed  to  me 
to  be  strange  to  French  ears.  It  is  a  work  of  great  talent;  M.  Glouch  is  both  a  poet 
and  a  musician,  whose  genius  is  always  apparent,  yet  he  is  at  the  same  time  a  man 
of  taste;  there  is  nothing  common  or  careless  in  his  work. 

As  you  know.  Monsieur,  I  am  no  partisan  and  in  the  quarrels  which  have 
broken  out  over  the  various  forms  of  music  I  have  remained  completely  neutral ; 
I  flatter  myself,  therefore,  that  you  will  not  feel  sceptical  about  my  eulogy  of  the 
music  of  the  opera  Iphigenie.  I  am  convinced  that  you  will  feel  impelled  to  approve ; 
I  know  that  no  one  desires  the  advancement  of  your  art  more  than  you;  you  have 
already  contributed  to  it  by  your  productions  and  the  applause  which  I  have  seen 
you  accord  to  those  who  distinguished  themselves.  So,  both  as  a  man  of  talent  and 
as  a  good  citizen,  you  will  be  pleased  to  see  that  a  foreigner  as  famous  as  M. 
Glouch  is  working  in  our  language  and  vindicating  it  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  as  a 
whole  against  the  slanderous  imputations  of  our  own  authors. 

M.  Glouch  only  wishes  to  know  if  the  Directors  of  the  Academy  of  Music 
have  sufficient  confidence  in  his  gifts  to  decide  to  present  his  opera.  He  is  prepared 
to  travel  to  France  but  wishes  first  to  be  assured  that  his  opera  will  be  presented 
and  approximately  how  long  it  will  take  for  this  to  come  about.  If  you  have  made 
no  firm  arrangements  for  the  winter,  for  Lent  or  for  the  resumption  after  Easter, 
I  believe  you  could  not  do  better  than  to  assign  him  one  of  these  periods.  M. 
Glouch  is  much  in  demand  in  Naples  for  next  May;  he  has  been  reluctant  to  accept 


of  Christoph  JVillihüU  Gluck  35 

any  engagement  in  that  quarter,  and  he  is  determined  to  sacrifice  any  advantages 
which  may  be  offered  to  him,  if  he  can  be  assured  that  liis  opera  will  be  accepted 
by  your  Academy,  to  which  I  beg  you  to  pass  this  letter  and  to  ask  for  a  decision 
which  will  determine  that  of  M.  Glouch.  I  would  be  most  flattered  if  I  could  share 
witli  you.  Monsieur,  the  merit  of  informing  our  nation  how  much  it  may  expect 
in  the  improvement  of  its  language,  embellished  by  the  art  which  you  profess. 
With  these  sentiments  I  remain,  Monsieur,  with  true  esteem, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient 

servant. 

PS.  Should  the  Directors  mistrust  the  judgment  I  have  formed  of  this  opera,  I 
would  be  pleased  to  send  it  to  you  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 

I  omitted  to  tell  you.  Monsieur,  that  M.  Glouch,  who  is  naturally  most  dis- 
interested, will  require  no  more  for  his  work  than  has  already  been  decided  upon 
for  the  authors  of  new  operas. 

^  Gluck's  Orfeo  ed  Eiiridice  had  its  premiere  in  the  Teatro  Communale  in 
Bologna  in  May  1771. 

Following  this  letter,  Chabanon  had  published  a  'Lettre  sur  les  proprietes 
musicales  de  la  langue  fran^aise'  in  the  Mercure  de  France  in  January  1773 : 


[Letter  II] 
I  read.  Monsieur,  in  the  second  October  Mercure  that  M.  Glouch,  famous  for 
the  Italian  operas  which  he  has  set  to  music,  has  just  cast  an  adoptive  glance  at 
our  language  and  applied  his  talent  to  a  French  poem. 

M.  Glouch's  enterprise  is  in  so  far  remarkable  as  it  contradicts  the  very  strong 
views  held  by  M.  Rousseau.  (I  predict  that  the  tragic  medium  will  not  even  be 
attempted.)  Following  the  author  ofErnelinde  [L.  Poinsinet  de  Sivry],  this  foreign 
artist  has  just  lifted  the  ban  imposed  on  our  language;  but  it  is  not  enough  that  he 
considers  it  will  do  justice  to  his  art,  he  also  gives  it  preference  over  all  other 
languages.  This  astonishing  view,  particularly  on  the  part  of  a  foreigner  who  is  not 
blinded  by  national  prejudice,  gave  me  the  idea  of  discussing  the  reasons  which 
might  justify  it  and  those  which  have  been  cited  in  support  of  the  opposing  view. 
Before  entering  into  this  discussion,  permit  me  a  few  general  reflections. 

It  has  been  said  that  all  men  are  dissatisfied  v/ith  their  lot,  each  people  with  its 
language,  and  that  we  modern  peoples  envy  the  Romans  their  language,  wliile  the 
Romans  envied  the  Greeks.  Everyone  bemoans  his  fate. 

I  have  frequently  heard  it  stated  that  one  language  is  superior  to  another,  but 
such  affirmations  which  are,  at  bottom,  merely  the  judgments  of  a  group,  are,  for 
that  reason,  superficial.  They  are  invariably  based  on  surface  observations  rather 
than  on  a  close  study,  and  more  on  appearance  than  on  reasoned  proof.  I  would  like 
languages  to  be  judged  like  men,  by  their  works.  If  the  language  which  is  richest 
in  fine  works  of  every  kind  is  not  the  most  beautiful,  I  do  not  know  what  reason 
it  can  have  to  envy  another  which  is  preferred  to  it.  But  if  one  follows  the  criterion 
which  I  suggest,  would  the  language  of  Virgil  appear  inferior  to  that  of  Homer, 
of  Hesiod  or  of  Theocritus  which  the  Latin  poet  imitated?  Let  the  parallel  be 
extended,  by  all  means,  to  Cicero,  Demosthenes,  Sallust,  Thucidides,  etc.,  and 


36  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

the  scales  will  remain  evenly  balanced;  but  what  counterweight  can  one  offer  to 
Tacitus  > 

I  wish  that  those  who  judge  a  language  by  its  material  content  would  decide 
what  in  their  view  is  its  essential  character;  for  if  such  a  character  exists,  expressed 
in  the  technique  of  the  language  and  inherent  in  its  nature,  then  it  is  clear  that 
every  writer  must  conform  to  it  and  be  guided  by  it.  I  imagine  one  would  reproach 
a  writer  who,  employing  a  language  which  by  nature  is  concise,  attempted  to  be 
diffuse.  It  would  be  like  a  frog  swelling  up  in  too  tight  a  skin.  .  .  . 

But  is  there  any  language  whose  character  and  properties  can  be  so  defined  as 
to  exclude  quite  different  properties  and  quite  another  character?  Cicero  is 
diffuse,  Tacitus  concise.  Which  of  the  two  knew  the  character  of  his  language 
best  ?  Both,  with  equal  success,  infused  into  it  the  character  of  their  genius. 

What  is  one  to  say  of  our  French  idiom?  Though  apparently  obscure  by  virtue 
of  the  profusion  and  ambiguity  of  its  relative  pronouns,  it  has  become  noted  for 
its  extreme  clarity.  This  is  a  quality  which  no  one  denies  it;  it  is  the  idiom  of  the 
philosophers  and,  in  consequence,  that  of  reason.  How  is  one  to  explain  this 
contradiction  between  a  radical  defect  of  the  language  and  the  outstanding  quahty 
it  has  acquired?  The  answer  is  that  writers  have  applied  all  their  efforts  to  the  weak 
side  of  this  language;  from  its  original  defect  they  have  produced  one  of  its 
instruments  of  perfection.  A  language  is  what  writers  make  of  it. 

The  fact  that  our  language  is  subject  to  contradictions  and  unfavourable 
suspicions  is  no  new  phenomenon.  The  wise  Patru^  in  his  time  feared  that  it 
could  not  lend  itself  to  the  graceful  simplicity  of  the  fable.  He  confided  his  doubts 
and  his  fears  to  La  Fontaine,  who,  in  his  own  writings,  soon  cured  him  of  both. 
This  same  Patru,  ever  timid  and  distrustful,  expressed  similar  doubts  to  Boileau, 
whose  writing  was  in  a  didactic  style.  Boileau  replied  with  his  poetic  art.  The 
author  of  the  Henriade  destroyed  a  stronger  and  more  general  prejudice,  which 
declared  our  language  and  our  taste  to  be  anti-epic.  The  success  of  two  Georgic 
poems  has  also  widened  the  sphere  of  our  poetry  by  introducing  a  genre  to  which 
it  was  not  thought  to  be  susceptible.  Thus  each  effort  by  a  skilful  writer  sacrifices, 
so  to  speak,  to  the  language  a  prejudice  against  it,  and  the  language,  like  a  river  as  it 
moves  away  from  its  source,  gradually  extends  its  surface.  Between  it  and  the 
modem  song  there  is  still  a  slender  barrier,  but  this  will  soon  be  surmounted. 

There  are  three  views  on  the  musical  properties  of  the  French  language,  which 
are  held  by  different  sections  of  the  public. 

i)  Our  language  is  musical,  but  Lully  has  composed  the  only  music  for  which 
it  is  suited. 

2)  Our  language  lends  itself  to  the  technique  of  the  modem  song,  but  this 
technique  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  dignity  of  opera. 

3)  All  good  music  is  beyond  our  reach  and  we  will  never  be  able  to  sing. 
When  we  have  discussed  these  three  views,  it  will  only  remain  to  put  forward 

our  own,  which  will  serve  as  a  reply  to  that  of  M.  Glouch. 

I  do  not  know.  Monsieur,  if  one  should  shrink  from  declaring  that  Lully  did 
not  create  the  kind  of  music  which  he  is  generally  believed  to  have  invented;  he 
merely  imported  it  from  Italy,  where  this  type  of  music  was  then  in  current  use. 
Those  who  might  be  amazed  by  this  suggestion  have  only  to  recall  the  music  of 
Corelli ;  from  this  composer's  French  style  we  learn  what  Italian  music  was  at  one 
time:  to  become  French  it  had  only  to  become  old,  for  the  Italians  had  changed 
their  musical  idiom  when  we  were  still  clinging  to  it. 


V^CicM.  /f^mW  /7s'C 


^  tl^^^'j  v^  <r»-</rJMjc<«u,^<.r..w-c^/    '^'iz^iic.  c^n^^ri^je^  fnj^c^    \ 


C-  ttj  tß<4^ 


LETTER  FROM   GLUCK  TO   CHARLES   PALISSOT  DE  MONTENOY,   FROM  VIENNA, 

l8    MARCH    1780 

From  Collection  Karl  Geigy-Hagenbach,  Basle 


G.    B.    MARTINI 

Enq^raviiii^  by  Carlo  Faucci 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  37 

What  does  it  matter,  after  all,  whether  this  music  was  adopted  or  created  by  us  ? 
Is  it  the  only  music  that  becomes  us  ?  That  is  the  real  point  at  issue. 

The  public  itself  provides  the  solution.  LuUy's  music  must  have  lost  much  of  its 
appeal,  as  so  little  of  it  is  left  when  the  works  of  Quinault  are  produced  on  the 
stage.  A  curious  change  in  the  fortunes  of  these  two  authors ;  formerly  Quinault 
was  tolerated  because  of  his  musician,  or  at  least  so  it  was  thought.  Today  it  is  the 
works  of  Quinault  which,  emerging  from  obscurity,  carry  with  them  a  few 
fragments  of  the  old  music,  which,  but  for  these  works,  would  be  doomed  to  perish. 
(What  has  been  preserved  from  the  works  of  Lully  for  the  most  part  are  his 
recitatives,  but  recitative  is  not,  properly  speaking,  music.  For  the  rest,  we  gladly 
agree  that  there  are  amongst  Lully 's  compositions  pieces  of  music  which  are 
striking  in  their  simplicity,  such  as  the  beginning  of  the  prologue  ofAmadie.  We  do 
not  believe  we  are  doing  this  artist  an  injustice  by  comparing  him  with  Corelli.) 

However  many  revolutions  the  French  Theatre  may  pass  through,  the  works 
of  our  great  masters  vdll  always  maintain  their  superiority.  If  at  a  given  moment 
they  appear  to  lose  ground  to  works  of  lesser  quality,  which  have  the  charm  of 
novelty,  then  it  is  the  result  of  a  certain  libertinism  in  our  taste  of  which  we 
disapprove  even  while  we  are  gratifying  it ;  and  in  this  respect  the  public  behaves 
like  husbands  who,  on  occasion,  are  unfaithful  to  their  gentle  and  virtuous  wives ; 
at  the  bottom  of  their  hearts  they  can  distinguish  perfectly  between  the  object  of 
their  whims  and  the  object  of  a  more  true  and  lasting  affection.  We  can  deduce 
from  this  that,  if  Lully 's  works  lose  ground  as  they  grow  older,  the  fault  lies  in 
themselves. 

Let  us  pass  on  to  the  second  view,  which  will  not  admit  that  what  is  laudable  in 
Italian  comedy  may  also  be  laudable  in  opera.  It  may  seem  surprising.  Monsieur, 
that  for  music  one  should  create  the  kind  of  distinction  between  two  quarters  of 
Paris  that  would  hardly  apply  to  two  opposing  climates.  .  .  .  But  I  was  forgetting 
that  we  are  dealing  with  different  spectacles  and  that  it  is  the  dignity  of  the  opera 
that  is  in  question.  We  must  beware  of  being  led  astray  by  an  ill-conceived  idea 
of  nobility;  do  not  let  us  treat  the  opera  like  those  children  of  good  family  who 
grow  up  to  be  blockheads  and  fools  because  they  have  been  given  an  exaggerated 
sense  of  their  superior  station  in  life. 

I  only  ask  for  replies  to  the  following  questions. 

Can  one  describe  the  position  of  a  virtuous  son,  who  has  been  disinherited  and 
turned  out  of  his  paternal  home  and  who  is  prepared  to  reappear  before  his  father, 
as  a  noble  position?  Do  the  lines  put  into  Sylvain's  mouth  lack  nobility? 

Je  puis  braver  les  coups  du  sort, 
Mais  non  pas  les  regards  d'un  pere. 


Pour  un  fils  sensible  et  rebelle, 
Un  pere  est  un  Dieu  mena^ant. 

Do  these  lines  detract  from  a  hero's  dignity,  and  can  one  set  them  to  nobler, 
truer  or  more  moving  music  than  that  of  M.  Grettri  [Gretry]  ? 

A  slight  oddity  which  I  have  noticed.  Monsieur;  modem  music  is  treated  as 
something  familiar  and  even  low,  but  comic  opera,  which  was  intended  from  the 
outset  to  be  so  and  has  remained  so  for  so  long,  has  only  begun  to  rise  above  this 
level  since  it  embraced  modem  music.  Far  from  excluding  the  quality  of  nobility, 

C.G.-D 


38  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

modem  music  transm.its  it  to  anything  that  approaches  it.  What  clearer  indication 
could  there  be  of  its  potentialities  and  even  of  its  needs  ? 

It  only  remains  to  discuss  the  third  view.  This  is  the  most  formidable;  not  that 
I  believe  it  to  be  the  most  correct,  but  the  merit  and  fame  of  its  originator  [M. 
Rousseau]  give  it  almost  as  much  w^eight  as  if  it  were  correct.  If  our  language 
recovers  from  the  blows  of  such  an  adversary,  if  M.  Rousseau's  view,  defended 
with  all  his  eloquence,  has  not  acquired  the  force  of  law,  then  it  is  fated  never  to 
gain  credence. 

There  is  no  need  for  me  to  say  at  the  outset  that,  in  attacking  some  of  M. 
Rousseau's  propositions,  I  do  so  with  no  lack  of  respect  for  his  great  qualities.  If  I 
had  the  honour  to  know  him  personally,  I  would  submit  this  letter  to  him  before 
publishing  it  and  enable  him  to  judge  his  own  case. 

Letter  on  music.  'Our  language',  says  M.  Rousseau,  consisting  of  'mixed  sounds 
and  of  mute,  subdued  or  nasal  syllables,  possessing  few  resonant  vowels  and  many 
consonants,  is  the  direct  opposite  of  "music".' 

I  would  like  to  chat  with  M.  Rousseau  in  order  to  fmd  out  exactly  what  he 
means  by  mixed  sounds;  I  have  not  a  sufficiently  clear  idea  of  the  meaning  of  these 
words  to  be  able  to  reply.  Undoubtedly  our  language  has  many  mute  syllables. 
They  help  to  infuse  grace  and  variety  into  our  pronunciation;  I  even  believe  that 
they  are  fairly  closely  related  to  certain  forms  of  vocal  music,  something  which  I 
shall  endeavour  to  prove  a  little  further  on.  Here  I  will  content  myself  with  the 
suggestion  that  M.  Rousseau,  who  finds  the  Italian  language  so  soft  because  there 
is  a  constant  elision  of  one  vowel  against  another,  should  find  ours  even  softer, 
because  there  is  continual  elision — and  it  is  both  more  pleasing  and  more  natural — 
between  a  mute  syllable  and  a  resonant  vowel.  Let  us  take  an  example,  and  indeed 
one  that  M.  Rousseau  has  chosen : 

Teneri  saegni,  e  placide  e  tranquille 
Repulse,  e  cari  vezzi,  e  liete  paci. 

If  you  pronounce  all  these  vowels  without  elision,  you  move  from  one  hiatus  to 
another  and  make  the  pronunciation  jerky.  And  if  you  elide?  You  mutilate,  you 
disfigure  the  words  by  removing  one  of  the  essential  syllables ;  and  furthermore 
the  repetition  of  the  E  sounds  is  tiring  to  the  ear. 
Compare  this  with  an  elision  of  mute  syllables : 

Oui,  je  viens  dans  son  temple  adorer  I'Etemel ! 

The  words  'temple'  and  'adorer'  retain  their  correct  pronunciation  intact; 
and  the  mute  syllable,  by  a  soft  elision,  is  quietly  lost  in  the  vowel  that  follows. 

M.  Rousseau  then  maintains  that  the  lack  of  resonance  in  the  vowel  makes  it 
necessary  'to  give  resonance  to  the  notes,  and  that  a  subdued  language  makes  for 
shrill  music'. 

It  seems  to  me  that  quite  another  conclusion  should  be  drawn  from  this. 

The  lack  of  resonance  in  the  vowels  is  a  warning  against  introducing  it  into 
the  music.  This  is  the  conclusion  M.  Rousseau  himself  draws  elsewhere  in  his  letter 
when  he  deduces  from  the  character  of  a  language  the  character  of  the  music  best 
suited  to  it. 

'The  tempo  of  our  music  must  be  slow  and  wearisome.  Should  one  attempt  to 
quieten  the  tempo,  its  speed  would  resemble  that  of  a  hard,  angular  body  rumbling 
over  a  cobbled  street.' 


()/  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  39 

I  have  searched  in  our  language  for  elements  that  would  compel  our  music  to 
be  slow.  I  find  that  it  is  a  language  with  a  wealth  of  short  syllables.  Why  does  a 
light  and  rapid  pronunciation  necessarily  produce  slow,  lazy  vocal  music?  Must 
one  always  proceed  contrariwise  from  a  language  to  its  music?  Why  then  are 
these  inverse  conclusions  applied  only  to  us  ? 

'I  assume',  M.  Rousseau  continues,  'that  the  same  language  would  be  weak 
in  prosody,  without  stress,  without  clarity,  without  precision ;  that  the  relationship 
between  the  long  and  short  syllables,  as  regards  both  duration  and  number,  would 
not  be  a  simple  one,  likely  to  produce  a  pleasant  and  regular  rhythm,  that  it  would 
have  long  syllables  which  were  more  or  less  long,  short  syllables  more  or  less  short, 
syllables  neither  short  nor  long,  etc' 

M.  Rousseau  in  this  passage  merely  puts  forward  as  a  supposition  all  that  he 
in  fact  holds  against  the  French  language.  What  may  astonish  you  is  that  the  case 
he  presents  for  the  prosecution  could  serve  admirably  as  a  case  for  the  defence.  If 
one  were  called  upon  to  argue  for  the  pre-eminence  of  our  language  over  all 
others  in  music,  it  might  well  be  enough  to  repeat  on  its  behalf  what  its  adversary 
has  said  against  it.  But  we  have  not  reached  that  stage;  let  us  not  anticipate  the 
argument. 

'Our  prosody,  it  is  said,  has  no  stress.'  And  yet  it  is  impossible  to  change  the 
value  of  a  syllable  without  offending  the  ear. 

'Our  prosody,  it  is  said  further,  is  weak.'  And  yet  from  the  verses  of  Racine, 
M.  de  Voltaire  and  Quinault,  if  well  spoken,  the  ear  derives  a  pleasure  which  M. 
Rousseau  has  surely  felt  as  much  as  anyone. 

But,  we  are  told,  our  language  has  long  syllables  which  are  more  or  less  short, 
and  syllables  which  are  neither  long  nor  short.  Denis  d'Halycamasse^  [de  Synth], 
Monsieur,  said  as  much  of  Greek.  If  these  words  point  to  a  radical  defect,  an  anti- 
lyrical  defect  in  the  language,  what  of  the  praises  M.  Rousseau  has  heaped  on  the 
Greek  language,  which  he  finds  so  musical  and  so  harmonious  ?  Moreover,  music 
itself  has  long  notes  which  are  more  or  less  long,  short  notes  which  are  more  or  less 
short,  round,  white,  black  notes,  quavers,  etc.  How  could  such  a  striking  relation- 
ship between  language  and  music  make  them  incompatible  ? 

Let  us  pass  on  to  a  fresh  charge,  that  our  constructions  are  essentially  didactic. 
M.  Rousseau  maintains  that  a  musical  phrase  develops  'in  a  more  pleasing  and  more 
interesting  manner  when  the  meaning  of  what  is  said,  after  a  long  period  of 
suspense,  is  resolved  by  the  verb  and  with  the  cadence,  than  when  it  develops  to 
order'.  This  objection  calls  for  more  than  one  reply. 

1.  I  have  given  this  considerable  thought  but  I  cannot  find  any  musical  merit 
in  inversion  or  understand  the  analogy  of  the  final  verb  with  the  cadence. 

2.  I  am  more  inclined  to  believe  that,  in  a  text  written  to  be  sung,  far  from  keeping 
the  meaning  of  the  words  in  abeyance,  one  cannot  explain  it  too  early,  in  order  to 
save  the  mind  unnecessary  reflection  and  work. 

3.  By  relegating  the  verb  to  the  end  one  no  more  keeps  the  meaning  of  the  phrase 
in  abeyance  than  if  one  places  the  noun  at  the  end : 

Misero  Pargoletto 
II  tuo  destin  non  fai. 

By  placing  the  verb  before  the  noun,  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  would  not  be 
explained  any  sooner. 

4.  It  seems  to  me  that  M.  Metastase  [Metastasio],  whose  words  have  provided  such 


40  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

fine  songs,  makes  very  limited  use  of  inversion  and  that  his  turns  of  phrase  are 
quite  similar  to  ours. 

5.  Finally,  if  the  long  sentences  in  which  the  meaning  is  held  in  suspense  are 
particularly  suitable  for  setting  to  music,  our  eight-syllable  verses  could  also 
qualify;  in  the  works  of  M.  Greifet^  one  could  find  twenty  or  twenty-five  verses 
of  this  kind.  So  our  language,  even  in  this  respect,  is  not  anti-lyrical. 

Does  it  not  seem  to  you.  Monsieur,  that  one  attributes  to  the  written  language 
too  many  defects  which  one  finds  in  music?  M.  Glouch  himself  is  guilty  of  this. 
He  attributes  the  too  frequent  use  of  roulades,  with  which  he  reproaches  the 
Italian  song,  to  the  abundance  of  vowels,  but  there  is  no  need  to  'roll'  vowels, 
and  the  language  is  innocent  of  this  abuse  imputed  to  it.  If  Italian  songs  degenerate 
into  roulades,  it  is  because  the  composers  defer  to  singers  who  are  anxious  to  display 
their  skill  and  also  because  audiences  in  Italy  have  acquired  the  habit  of  regarding 
the  performances  as  a  type  of  concert  to  which  they  only  listen  in  parts.  In  conse- 
quence they  are  less  able  to  appreciate  how  misplaced  the  roulade  is  in  a  tragic 
song;  in  consequence,  one  singer  is  made  to  sing  at  great  length  without  any 
concern  for  his  or  her  partner  who,  as  long  as  the  song  lasts,  is  merely  another 
member  of  the  audience ;  in  consequence,  the  'ritomelli'  are  prolonged  and  the 
'da  capos'  multiplied  without  considering  the  effect  on  the  action  or  on  the  actors. 
None  of  these  defects  of  Italian  opera  would  be  tolerated  in  France.  With  our 
refined  and  exacting  taste,  we  consider  the  parts  in  relation  to  the  whole  and  expect 
the  music  to  contribute  to  the  action  on  the  stage.  This  is  what  has  led  me  to  think 
that  we  must  develop  operatic  production  beyond  the  point  it  has  reached  abroad; 
it  is  also  perhaps  what  has  kindled  in  M.  Glouch  the  desire  to  place  his  talents  at 
our  disposal. 

But  does  our  language  lend  itself  to  a  type  of  music  which  can  satisfy  both 
ourselves  and  people  abroad?  This  question  brings  me  back  to  my  original  subject 
and  gives  me  an  opportunity  to  put  forward  my  own  opinion. 

I  believe.  Monsieur,  that  music  is  more  independent  of  language  than  one 
imagines.  I  regard  it  as  a  language  in  itself,  apart  from  all  the  others,  a  universal 
language,  in  essence  unchangeable  and  only  slightly  influenced  by  the  written  word, 
if  indeed  it  is  influenced  at  all. 

As  this  view  is  bound  to  arouse  surprise,  I  shall  omit  nothing  that  might  sub- 
stantiate it. 

The  most  profound,  most  accented  language  has  comparatively  few  com- 
mensurable intervals  in  pronunciation,  but  this  proportion  exists  and  must  exist 
in  music,  where  every  tone  is  subject  to  the  laws  of  harmony  and  melody;  how  can 
one  make  something  that  always  sings  dependent  on  something  that  never  sings  ? 

Let  us  apply  to  the  Greek  language  the  principle  which  we  are  asked  to  accept 
and  we  shall  see  the  result. 

Almost  all  Greek  words  have  an  acute,  grave  or  circumflex  accent,  which 
means,  according  to  Denis  d'Halicamasse,  that  on  each  word  the  voice  rose  or 
dropped  by  a  fifth,  or  simply  ran  through  the  whole  interval  within  the  tv/o 
opposing  accents.  Do  you  think  that  the  musicians  submitted  to  this  law  of  accents? 
Eh!  in  that  case  what  would  their  melody  have  been  like?  It  would  have  consisted 
necessarily  of  a  series  of  high  and  low  fifths  repeated  with  each  word !  The  very 
idea  excludes  any  melody. 

If  vocal  music  is  governed  by  inflections  of  speech,  then  great  music  must  be 
essentially  rhetorical.  Do  you  think  this  theory  can  be  sustained  ? 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  41 

Was  M.  Rousseau,  in  tlic  charming  songs  of  Le  Devin  du  village,  aiming  to  be 
rhetorical  ?  Speak  these  lines : 

Si  des  galans  de  la  ville,  etc., 

then  sing  them  and  you  will  know  the  answer. 

If  each  nation's  music  is  a  natural  product,  a  necessary  consequence  of  the 
language  it  speaks,  why  does  music  change,  wliile  the  language  remains  the  same? 
The  Italians  have  sung  in  the  French  style;  and  we,  who  speak  the  language  of 
Quinault,  are  far  removed  from  that  of  LuUy. 

I  regard  the  beginning  of  the  Stahat  as  one  of  the  fmest  pieces  of  music  ever 
written.  Are  we  indebted  for  it  to  the  language  and  its  accents  ?  Is  there  any  language 
in  the  world  whose  inflexions  could  be  related  to  the  intonations  of  the  Stahat  i 

I  have  collected  several  songs  by  savages  in  Canada.  Their  melody  is  the  same 
as  ours ;  does  this  mean  that  their  language  must  also  be  the  same  ? 

Eh !  Is  it  not  plain.  Monsieur,  that  music,  as  I  have  said,  is  a  language  apart  from 
all  others  ?  Every  people,  in  order  to  make  itself  understood,  has  evolved  a  con- 
ventional language,  the  formation  of  which  is  the  work  of  chance;  for  there  is  no 
reason  why  bread  should  be  called  bread  rather  than  artes  as  in  Greek.  The  main 
forms  of  music,  on  the  other  hand,  are  products  neither  of  chance  nor  of  con- 
vention; they  derive  from  the  laws  of  nature,  in  other  words  from  our  organic 
structure  which  makes  them  necessary,  unchangeable  and  universal.  The  relation- 
ship between  a  musical  combination  of  sounds  and  our  senses  is  a  mystery  which 
defies  rational  explanation.  No  one  can  explain  why  such  a  concatenation  of 
sounds  should  produce  a  melodious  song  or  why  from  the  rhythm  expressed  by 
this  song  a  movement  should  emerge  which  carries  our  bodies  with  it ;  these  effects 
cannot  be  rationally  explained,  but  any  mature  person  in  any  country  and  any 
climate  can  feel  them.  The  most  vulgar,  brutish  peasant  has  a  feeling  for  songs 
and  for  rhythm :  children  are  born  with  it.  Eh !  Can  you  not  see  them  from  their 
cradles  responding  to  the  nurses'  singing,  forgetting  their  impatience  and  their 
sorrows,  turning  tears  into  smiles  of  joy ;  The  spoken  language  does  not  as  yet  exist 
for  them  but  they  already  understand  the  language  of  music,  they  are  sensitive  to 
it,  they  have  some  iimer  notion  of  it;  if  one  could  believe  in  innate  ideas,  it  would 
be  in  relation  to  music. 

Music  is  independent  of  languages,  because  it  exists  without  them.  I  cannot 
understand,  I  must  confess,  the  basic  distinction  which  people  try  to  draw  between 
vocal  and  instrumental  music.  The  latter  emanates,  it  seems,  from  the  laws  of 
harmony  and  melody  alone,  while  the  other,  being  dependent  on  inflexions  of  the 
voice,  is  an  imitation  of  it.  It  is,  in  other  words,  an  offshoot  of  language.  But  this 
simply  means  creating  two  art-forms  instead  of  one. 

The  proof  that  vocal  music  does  not  derive  its  charm  and  its  power  from  its 
relationship  with  language  is  that  one  can  be  entirely  ignorant  of  the  language  of  a 
country  and  still  love  its  music.  The  Armenian,  to  whom  M.  Rousseau  refers  in  his 
letter,  did  not  understand  Italian,  but  he  could  understand  and  enjoy  the  Italian 
airs  sung  to  him. 

Let  us  not  look  for  difTerences  where  there  are  none.  Vocal  music  is  no  more 
different  from  instrumental  music  than  one  instrument  from  another.  Music  is  a 
goddess  with  a  thousand  voices,  for  each  instrument  provides  her  with  one. 
Amongst  all  the  vehicles  through  which  she  expresses  herself,  the  human  voice 
with  its  more  limited  range  simplifies  what  an  instrument  executes.  The  voice  gives 


42  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

the  pure  text,  while  instruments  adorn  and  embeUish  it  by  playing  round  the 
theme.  A  song  is  like  a  nude,  whereas  the  instrumental  music  which  accompanies 
it  is  like  a  fabric  draped  in  graceful  folds  about  the  nude  in  such  a  way  as  not  to 
conceal  its  shapeliness. 

But,  one  might  ask,  whence  comes  the  difference  between  Italian  songs  and 
even  modem  French  songs  if  not  from  the  character  of  the  two  languages  ? — On 
the  other  hand,  whence  comes  the  difference  between  the  modem  and  the  ancient 
Italian  songs,  if  the  character  of  the  music  is  determined  by  that  of  the  language? 

Between  two  violinists  such  as  [Giuseppe]  Tartini  and  [Domenico]  Ferrari, 
for  example,  there  is  a  greater  difference  in  inflexion,  style,  and  their  way  of 
making  their  instruments  sing  than  there  is  between  Italian  and  modem  French 
songs.  So  it  is  not  necessary  to  look  to  the  language  to  explain  differences  in  musical 
expression;  the  fact  that  music  can  be  rendered  with  a  certain  amount  of  diversity 
does  not  make  it  any  the  less  a  universal  language,  just  as  the  art  of  painting  is  no  less 
universal  because  each  painter  has  his  own  style. 

I  go  further.  For  some  years  past  certain  actors  in  the  Comedie  italienne  have 
been  italianising  their  singing  in  a  way  that  can  easily  be  detected  by  a  trained  ear; 
either  the  public  have  not  noticed  this  innovation  or,  if  they  have  sensed  it,  they 
applaud  it ;  both  come  to  the  same  thing  and  prove  that  the  rendering  of  Italian 
songs  depends  more  on  the  music  than  on  the  words  that  go  with  it. 

At  the  very  moment  when  I  was  writing  this.  Monsieur,  I  chanced  to  hear  an 
air  by  M.  Grettri  [Gretry]  rendered  by  an  Itahan  who  puts  much  feeling  and  vigour 
into  his  singing.  His  rendering  of  the  French  air  was  not  a  whit  subdued  and  never 
has  this  air  been  sung  with  greater  effect.  The  author,  who  was  present,  was  en- 
chanted by  it ;  the  audience  were  aU  dehghted  and  I  even  more  than  they ;  for  added 
to  my  pleasure  was  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  something  actually  demonstrated 
which  I  had  so  long  suspected. 

With  taste,  intelligence  and  (what  is  no  less  essential)  good  faith,  one  could  make 
various  experiments  which  would  confirm  the  view  I  have  just  put  forward. 

One  could  take  melodies  from  our  really  beautiful  comic  operas  and  find  Italian 
words  for  them,  or  vice  versa,  one  could  skilfully  translate  very  beautiful  Italian 
melodies  into  French;  if  one  or  the  other  were  rendered  musically,  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word,  then  I  would  wager  on  the  success  of  either  translation.  A  beautiful 
song  is  a  marketable  commodity  anywhere  in  the  world;  it  is  a  diamond  which 
retains  its  value  and  which  everyone  accepts  as  an  ornament. 

In  the  alliance  between  music  and  words.  Monsieur,  music  plays  the  part  of  the 
favourites  whom  everyone  treats  as  ordinary  subjects  but  who  in  secret  govern  their 
masters.  One  symptom  of  the  subservience  of  language  is  the  frequent  repetition 
of  words  in  a  song.  I  know  that  reason  rebels  against  this  custom  as  an  abuse,  but  it 
is  justified  in  music.  As  it  is  a  recognized  procedure  to  revert  to  the  same  phrases 
in  a  song,  to  repeat  them  several  times  in  the  same  mode  and  in  varying  modes,  the 
same  words  naturally  recur  in  the  same  song ;  and  once  the  ear  has  fallen  under  the 
spell  of  the  notes,  it  loses  many  of  its  scruples  about  the  privileges  of  language  or  of 
reason. 

There  is  one  point,  however,  where  language  impedes  music,  if  it  does  not 
dominate  it ;  this  is  in  the  observance  of  short  and  long  syllables. 

In  principle,  quantity  in  music  seems  at  first  sight  absolutely  essential,  since  it 
has  a  direct  bearing  on  the  need  to  make  oneself  understood;  by  changing  the  value 
of  syllables  one  runs  the  risk  of  not  being  understood.  But  note,  Monsieur,  how  this 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  43 

precept,  so  inflexible  in  theory,  is  trimmed  and  tailored  in  practice.  One  might  say 
of  it,  as  of  verisimilitude  in  the  theatre,  that  it  is  a  secret  known  only  to  the  masters 
just  how  far  one  can  depart  from  it. 

If  necessary  I  can  quote  examples  from  every  language  to  show  how  good 
music  can  violate  the  laws  of  versification.  In  the  first  couplet  in  the  Stabat  equal 
stress  is  placed  on  the  four  syllables  of  the  words  'lacrymosa'  and  'dolorosa'.  The 
second  couplet  is  scanned  as  follows : 

Cujus  animam  gementem. 

In  the  first  air  of  [Pergolesi's]  Serva  padrona  you  will  find  words  scanned  syllabically, 
'son  tre  cose',  although  'tre'  is  definitely  a  short  syllable  in  pronunication.  (I  am 
quoting  at  random  and  without  having  made  any  systematic  investigation;  if  I 
confine  myself  to  only  a  few  quotations,  it  is  to  avoid  making  this  letter  too 
long.) 

Rousseau's  Devin  du  village  is  full  of  faults  of  versification.  I  have  deliberately 
chosen  this  work,  because  its  author  can  least  be  suspected  of  sinning  from 
ignorance.  M.  Rousseau,  who  is  an  ardent  champion  of  the  privileged  position  of 
languages,  must  have  felt  that  music  also  has  its  privileges  and  that  they  can  some- 
times take  precedence,  since  the  language  he  uses  in  this  work  is  by  no  means  so 
faultless  as  the  language  which  he  speaks  and  writes  so  well. 

What  general  conclusion  can  one  draw  from  all  this?  That  observance  of 
quantity  is  an  impediment  in  music,  from  which  it  seeks  to  free  itself  as  much  as 
possible.  But  this  impediment  would  be  unimportant  if  a  language  existed  with  a 
vague,  indeterminate,  flexible  and  changing  prosody  which  could  be  adapted  to 
the  needs  of  the  composer.  The  individual  words  in  this  language  would  have  no 
fixed  or  real  value.  Its  long  syllables  would  be  more  or  less  long,  its  short  syllables 
more  or  less  short,  and  many  of  them  would  be  neither  short  nor  long;  they 
would  resemble  the  syllables  ut,  re,  mi,  fa,  sol,  la,  si,  ut,  which  Itahan,  French  and 
German  musicians  pronounce  long  or  short  as  the  melody  requires. 

You  may  have  noticed.  Monsieur,  that,  in  outlining  the  characteristics  of  a 
prosody  such  as  is  really  desirable  for  music,  I  have  merely  repeated  word  for 
word  what  M.  Rousseau  has  said  of  our  prosody ;  but  I  very  much  fear  that  M. 
Rousseau  (who,  in  speaking  thus,  thought  he  was  denying  us  certain  qualities) 
may  have  assumed  the  existence  of  some  which  we  do  not  have.  As  I  have  already 
said,  I  cannot  admit  that  our  prosody  is  indeterminate,  since  it  is  true  that  one  cannot 
change  the  value  of  our  syllables  without  offending  the  ear.  Also  I  do  not  think,  as 
M.  Glouch  does,  that  our  language  is  more  musical  than  all  the  others,  but  simply 
that  it  can  adapt  itself  as  well  as  any  other  to  good  music. 

If  I  were  called  upon  to  ascribe  to  it  qualities  particularly  suited  to  the  art  of  the 
song,  I  could  find  them  in  the  very  qualities  which,  it  has  been  alleged,  are  in- 
compatible v^dth  music.  Its  mute  terminations,  for  example,  are  directly  related 
to  the  weak,  or  unstressed,  notes  in  a  musical  phrase,  on  which  the  voice  lingers 
before  eventually  fading  into  silence. 

Our  grammatical  construction  also  favours  music  in  so  far  as  it  is  conducive 
to  clarity  of  speech.  The  more  a  phrase  is  self-explanatory,  the  more  readily  the 
mind  appreciates  the  relationship  between  the  song  and  the  words. 

These,  Monsieur,  are  the  observations  I  wished  to  make.  If  this  document  is  to 
be  challenged,  then  I  trust  it  will  at  least  bring  down  upon  its  author  criticisms 
which  will  enUghten  him  without  causing  him  grief.  It  would  be  sad  if  even  on 


44  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

subjects  of  minor  importance  one  could  not  venture  to  express  one's  views  without 
sacrificing  one's  peace  of  mind. 

Last  winter  the  fanciful  and  unjust  reproach  was  laid  against  me  that  I  had  set 
out  to  discredit  Rousseau.  I  take  this  opportunity  of  replying  to  that  reproach  by 
reiterating  my  faith  in  that  great  artist.  I  consider  him  one  of  the  most  astonishing 
men  who  has  ever  lived;  perhaps  no  one  in  any  of  the  arts  has  better  deserved  the 
title  of  man  of  genius.  Far  from  denying  what  I  had  written  in  his  praise  by 
disagreeing  with  certain  passages  in  his  works,  I  have  never  ventured  any  criticism 
of  him  which  was  not  implicit  in  my  praise.  The  respect  due  to  a  great  man  must, 
while  he  is  alive,  silence  all  criticisms  of  the  imperfections  of  his  talent;  but  honest 
criticism,  when  the  author  can  no  longer  take  umbrage,  is  more  of  an  honour 
than  an  insult  to  his  memory,  because  it  places  the  seal  of  truth  on  the  praise  which 
one  has  justly  heaped  upon  him. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 

^  Olivier  Patru  (bom  1604  Paris,  died  1661  Paris)  was  a  lawyer  andamem- 

ber  of  the  Academic  Fran^aise.  He  was  a  friend  of  Boileau  and  Racine. 

2  Aelius  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassos,  a  Greek  writer  at  the  end  of  the 

first  century  A.D. 

^  Greffet  may  refer  to  Antoine  Gilbert  Griffet  de  la  Beaume  [1756-1805], 

knovm  as  a  dramatist  and  translator.  He  held  a  Government  post. 


[To  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock.^  German] 

Vienna,  14th  August  1773 
Nobly  Born, 
Most  Highly  Honoured  Councillor, 

Father  Denis^  has  informed  me,  that  you  desire  to  receive  the 
verses  which  I  composed  on  your  Herrmannsschlacht.  I  would  long 
since  have  done  you  this  service,  if  I  had  not  been  geometrically 
assured  that  many  would  not  find  them  to  their  taste,  because  they 
must  be  sung  with  a  certain  decorum  which  is  not  as  yet  very  much 
in  fashion;  for,  although  you  have  excellent  musical  artists,  music 
which  calls  for  enthusiasm  seems  to  me  to  be  still  quite  unknown  in 
your  parts,  the  which  I  clearly  perceived  from  the  criticism  which 
was  directed  at  my  Alceste^  in  Berlin.  I  am  so  great  an  admirer  of 
your  person  that  I  promise  you:  (If  you  do  not  propose  to  come  to 
Vienna)  I  will  make  a  journey*  to  Hamburg  next  year,  in  order  to 
make  your  acquaintance,  and  I  give  my  assurance  that  I  will  sing 
to  you  not  only  much  from  the  Herrmannsschlacht  but  also  some  of 
your  sublime  odes,^  to  make  clear  to  you  in  how  far  I  have  measured 
up  to  your  greatness  or  in  how  far  I  have  obscured  it  with  my  music. 

Meanwhile  I  am  sending  you  a  few  songs,  which  are  quite  simple 
in  style  and  easy  to  execute.  Three  of  them  are  German  in  character 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  45 

and  three  with  a  more  foreign  flavour,  and  of  the  latter  I  have  added 
two  melodies  in  the  old  bardic  style  by  way  of  experiment  which 
can,  however,  always  be  thrown  away.  It  will  be  necessary  to  choose 
a  good  pianoforte  player  for  these,  in  order  that  they  may  appear 
to  you  less  intolerable.  I  have  the  honour  to  continue  to  call  myself 
with  great  respect. 

Your  Nobly  Born's  most  obedient  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 

^  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock  (bom  2nd  July  1724,  died  13th  March 

1803),  the  famous  poet,  was  a  close  friend  of  Gluck  and  his  family.  The 

Herrmannsschlacht  appeared  in  1769  and  was  dedicated  to  the  Emperor 

Joseph  II.  Gluck  committed  to  paper  nothing  of  the  composition  on  which 

his  contemporaries  passed  very  favourable  judgments.  He  was  in  the  habit 

of  playing  or  singing  it  by  heart  to  his  visitors. 

^Johannes  Michael  Cosmas  Denis  (born  27th  September  1729,  died 

29th  September  1800)  was  a  useful  intermediary  between  the  literature  of 

Protestant  Germany  and  of  Cathohc  Austria.  He  was  a  Jesuit.  Mozart  set  to 

music  his  Bardic  Songs  about  Gibraltar,  although  they  seemed  to  him  'too 

extravagantly  turgid  for  his  delicate  ears'. 

^  To  which  discussion  of  his  Alceste  Gluck  is  referring  in  his  letter  has  not  been 

established. 

*  The  promised  meeting  with  Klopstock  in  Hamburg  did  not  take  place. 

^  Klopstock's  Odes  with  Gluck's  music  had  not  yet  appeared  in  1773. 

Gluck  therefore  sent  them  in  manuscript  to  Klopstock.  In  1775  the  furst  ode, 

Der  Jüngling,  appeared  in  the  Musenalmanch.  Artaria  published  seven  Odes 

in  Vienna  in  1787. 


[To  Father  Giambattista  Martini.^  Italian] 
Most  Revered  Father  and  friend ! 

I  have  learned  through  Signer  Taiber  [Teyber]^  of  your  Rev- 
erence's wish  to  possess  my  portrait.  Sensible  of  the  honour  you  pay 
me,  I  am  all  the  more  grieved  that  I  cannot  come  in  person  in  the 
hope  of  finding  a  skilled  artist  there,  for  I  am  certain  that  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you  would  make  me  more  attractive. 

H.E.  the  Count  Durazzo,^  Imperial  Ambassador  in  Venice,  who 
for  many  years  has  been  my  gracious  patron  wished  to  have  a  copy 
made  of  the  portrait,  which  was  made  in  Rome  on  the  occasion  of 
my  last  visit,  and  he  commissioned  a  young  pupil  of  his  to  adapt  it 
to  my  present  physiognomy  and  condition. 

Of  the  compositions,  which  have  been  brought  to  your  notice,  I 
think  only  the  Orpheus  is  known  there.  The  others  have  found  a 
certain  amount  of  approval  at  our  Court  and  I  am  now  about  to 


46  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

leave  for  Paris  with  the  object  of  producing  the  latest  of  these,  the 
Iphigenie  en  Aulide,  at  the  great  Opera  theatre.  This  is  assuredly  a  bold 
undertaking  and  there  will  be  serious  obstacles,  for  we  must  face  up 
to  national  prejudices  against  which  reason  is  of  no  avail. 

If  I  can  be  of  any  service  here,  you  have  only  to  command  me.  I 
have  to  thank  H.E.  the  Ambassador  for  the  opportunity  of  sending 
you  the  portrait,  as  soon  as  he  returns  to  Venice.  He  loves  and 
protects  the  fine  arts  and  has  a  special  regard  for  you,  even  without 
knowing  you  personally. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect 

and  friendship 

Your  Reverence's 

most  humble  and  devoted  servant 
Chevalier  Christof  Gluck. 
Vienna,  26th  October  1773. 

1  GiAMBATTiSTA  Martini  was  bom  in  Bologna  on  24th  April  1706.  After 
joining  the  Franciscan  Order,  he  became  Kapellmeister  at  the  Church  of  the 
Order  in  Bologna  as  early  as  1725.  Four  years  later  he  was  ordained  as  a 
priest.  He  was  considered  the  leading  authority  in  Italy  on  the  history  and 
theory  of  music;  as  he  possessed  not  only  an  immense  fund  of  knowledge  but 
also  a  rare  goodness  of  heart,  students  came  to  him  from  all  parts  of  the 
country.  Besides  his  compositions,  his  Storia  della  Musica  [1757-1781] 
and  Exemplare  ossia  saggio  fondamentale  di  contrappunto  [1774-1775]  deserve 
special  mention.  Martini  died  at  Bologna  on  4th  October  1784  [cf.  G. 
GandolfiiE/og/o  di  Giamhattista  Martini,  1913]. 

^  By  Taiber  is  probably  meant  the  violinist  Franz  Teyber  [1756-1792], 
who  lent  Mozart  a  violin  and  a  concerto  for  the  feast  of  Saint  Cajetan 
(letter  from  Leopold  Mozart  of  12th  August  1773),  or  his  brother,  Anton 
Teyber  [1754-1822.]  However,  Emily  Anderson  [Letters  of  Mozart  and  His 
Family,  Vol.  I,  p.  344],  identifies  Mozart's  Teyber  not  with  Franz  but  with  his 
elder  brother,  Anton. 

^  Gluck's  Iphigenie  en  Aulide  was  first  produced  in  Vienna  on  30th  October 
1773. 


[To  King  Louis  XVI.^  French] 

[after  loth  May  1774] 
Sire, 

When,  following  the  example  of  the  Greeks,  Augustus,  the 
Medicis  and  Louis  XIV  encouraged  and  supported  the  arts,  they 
had  a  more  important  aim  in  view  than  that  of  providing  further 
amusement  and  pleasure;  they  regarded  that  portion  of  human 
knowledge  as  one  of  the  most  precious  links  in  the  political  chain; 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  47 

they  knew  that  only  the  arts  arc  capable  of  making  men  gentle 
without  corrupting  them  and  of  rendering  them  prone  to  submission 
without  debasing  them. 

From  the  moment  you  ascended  the  throne,  Sire,  you  showed  that 
you  were  moved  by  the  same  principles  and  the  same  views.  While 
Your  Majesty  works  tirelessly  for  the  betterment  and  happiness  of 
your  subjects,  you  do  not  spurn  the  homage  I  venture  to  pay,  and, 
in  giving  me  the  first  signs  of  your  protection  of  the  arts,  you  bring 
happiness  and  glory  to  a  stranger  who  yields  to  no  Frenchman  in 
zeal,  in  appreciation  and  in  devotion  to  your  sacred  person. 

It  is  with  these  sentiments  together  with  the  most  profound 
respect 

that  I  am, 
Sire, 
Your  Majesty's  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant. 
Chevalier  Gluck. 

^  Louis  XVI,  grandson  of  Louis  XV,  came  to  the  French  throne  on  loth 
May  1774.  He  was  guillotined  on  21st  January  1793. 


[Contract  with  M.  Marchand.  French] 
I,  the  undersigned,  acknowledge  having  given  of  my  own  volition, 
by  these  presents,  the  score  of  my  opera  Orpheus  et  Eurydice  in 
manuscript  to  M.  Marchand,  giving  him  the  power  to  have  it 
engraved  for  his  own  profit,  in  toto  or  in  part,  as  he  may  think  fit, 
on  the  understanding  that  no  one  will  trouble  him  in  the  gift  I  have 
made  him,  ceding  to  him  all  my  rights  in  this  work  granted  by  the 
hcence  I  obtained  from  the  King,  which,  in  the  event  of  any  forgery 
by  the  merchants  [?],  I  will  cede  to  him,  so  that  he  may  act  in  my 
name;  he  will  be  responsible  for  any  expenses  he  may  incur. 
Made  in  Paris,  this  lothjuly  1774 
Chevalier  Gluck 


[To  Queen  Marie  Antoinette.^  French] 

[before  2nd  August  1774] 
Madame, 

Of  the  many  benefactions  which  you  have  lavished  upon  me,  the 
most  precious  in  my  eyes  is  that  which  enables  me  to  remain  in  the 
midst  of  a  nation  which  is  all  the  more  worthy  to  possess  you  as  it 


48  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

is  sensible  of  your  great  virtues.  Honoured  with  your  protection,  it 
is  to  this  advantage  that  I  undoubtedly  owe  the  applause  I  have 
received.  I  have  never  claimed,  as  several  have  seemed  desirous  of 
reproaching  me,  any  wish  to  give  the  French  lessons  on  their  own 
language  nor  to  prove  to  them  that  until  now  they  had  no  author 
worthy  of  their  admiration  and  gratitude.  There  exist  here  pieces 
to  which  I  gave  the  praise  they  merit;  several  of  their  Hving  authors 
are  worthy  of  their  reputation.  I  have  thought  that  I  might  try 
setting  to  French  words  the  new  type  of  music  which  I  adopted  in 
my  three  last  Itahan  operas.  I  have  noted  with  satisfaction  that  the 
accent  of  nature  is  the  universal  language:  M.  Rousseau  employed 
it  with  the  greatest  success  in  its  simple  style.  His  Devin  du  village^ 
is  a  model  which  no  author  has  yet  imitated.  I  do  not  know  to  what 
extent  I  have  succeeded  in  mine,  but  I  have  Your  Majesty's  approval, 
since  you  permit  me  to  dedicate  this  work  to  you;  for  me  that  is  the 
most  flattering  success.  The  genre  I  am  trying  to  introduce  seems 
to  me  to  restore  to  art  its  original  dignity.  The  music  will  no  longer 
be  confined  to  the  cold,  conventional  beauties,  to  which  composers 
have  been  obliged  to  adhere. 

It  is  with  sentiments  of  profound  respect  that  I  am, 
Madame, 
Your  Majesty's  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
Chevalier  Gluck. 

^  Marie  Antoinette  was  the  wife  of  Louis  XVI,  a  daughter  of  Maria 
Theresia,  and  for  a  time  a  pupil  of  Gluck's  in  Vienna  before  her  marriage. 
She  did  much  to  promote  his  music  in  Paris.  She  too  was  guillotined  in 

1793- 

2  Rousseau's  Le  Devin  du  village  was  first  produced  on  i8th  October 
1752  for  the  Court  at  Fontainebleau  and  was  repeated  on  ist  March  1753 
at  the  Paris  Opera. 


[To  Count  Mercy-Argenteau.^  French] 

Paris,  nth  August  1774 
Excellency ! 

I  cannot  fmd  words  to  convey  to  Your  Excellency  the  gratitude  I 
owe  you  for  the  zeal  with  which  you  have  so  kindly  protected  my 
interests.  But  I  do  not  believe  that  I  could  live  in  Paris  on  an  income 
of  less  than  10  to  12  thousand  livres,  for  1  must  have  a  carriage  for 
my  wife  and  a  decent  house ;  moreover,  if  I  am  to  settle  in  Paris  and 
give  up  my  establishment  in  Vienna,  this  sum  should  be  allotted  to 


of  Christoph  WillibaU  Gluck  49 

me  in  a  fixed  and  certain  manner,  independent  of  any  circumstance, 
even  a  possible  change  of  administration  at  the  theatre.  I  would  then 
give  one  opera  gratis  every  year,  excepting  if  I  should  fall  ill,  and  I 
would  also  take  upon  myself  to  give  advice  and  guidance  to  any 
young  composers  who  chose  to  consult  me  about  their  works,  in 
order  that  a  standard  of  good  taste  might  be  set  up  which  would 
never  again  be  debased.  I  would  endeavour  to  make  the  orchestra, 
as  far  as  possible,  more  perfect,  and  would  give  advice  to  the  singers, 
and  I  would  do  everything  in  my  power  to  provide  the  best  theatrical 
productions  in  Europe.  As  for  titles,  I  have  no  ambitions  except  to 
be  near  the  King  or  the  Queen,  only  I  must  have  the  necessary 
authority  to  remedy  certain  abuses,  which  hinder  the  perfection  of 
our  productions.  For  the  rest,  I  leave  everything  to  the  clear-sighted- 
ness of  Your  Excellency,  and  I  am  sure  that  you  take  my  interests  as 
much  to  heart  as  I  do  myself. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  profound  respect 
Your  Excellency's  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
ChevaHer  Gluck. 

^  Florimond  Count  Mercy- Argenteau,  bom  20th  April  1727  in  Liege, 
devoted  himself  from  his  youth  to  the  diplomatic  service,  being  attached 
first  to  the  Embassy  in  Paris,  then  in  Turin,  and  returning  as  Austrian 
Ambassador  to  Paris,  where  he  was  accredited  simultaneously  with  the 
Marquis  de  Stainville,  but  from  1780  onwards  he  was  sole  representative.  In 
1790  he  became  Statthalter  of  the  Austrian  Netherlands.  Later  he  was 
Ambassador  in  London,  where  he  died  on  25th  August  1794  [cf.  Comte 
dePimodan:  Le  Comte  F.-C.  de  Mercy-Argenteau.  Paris,  191 1]. 


[To  Count  Mercy-Argenteau.  French] 

Paris,  1 6th  August  1774 
Your  Excellency ! 

I  do  not  know  how  I  can  fmd  words  to  express  my  gratitude  for 
what  I  owe  you.  Your  Excellency  has  arranged  everything  most 
admirably:  the  subjects  will  suggest  themselves  as  I  produce  operas, 
for  in  order  to  form  a  singing  school  one  must  make  other  arrange- 
ments; nevertheless  I  shall  begin  giving  all  my  attention  to 
Mile  Rosalie  [Levasseur]^  and  I  hope  that  she  will  become  quite 
admirable. 

If  the  Court  does  not  return  until  the  beginning  of  next  month,  I 
would  prefer  to  come  to  Compiegne,  for  I  would  have  more  time 
to  arrange  my  affairs  in  Vienna,  but  if  Your  Excellency  fmds  it 


50  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

more  suitable  that  I  await  the  return  of  the  Court,  I  will  remain  with 
pleasure  until  then,  and  on  this  I  await  your  orders ;  I  make  so  bold 
as  to  enquire  again  of  Your  Excellency  whether  I  can  tell  my  friends 
of  the  favour  I  have  just  been  granted,  or  whether  I  must  wait  till  the 
affair  has  been  completed  with  all  necessary  formaHties;  I  have 
difficulty  in  keeping  silent,  for  these  arrangements  give  me  all  the 
more  pleasure  as  I  will  have  the  prospect  of  being  always  in  a  position 
to  pay  my  respects  to  Your  Excellency  in  Paris  and  from  time  to 
time  to  make  some  good  music  together. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  most  profound  respect 

Your  Excellency's 
very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Chevalier  Gluck. 

^  Rosalie  Levasseur  was  bom  at  Valenciennes  on  8th  October  1749. 
From  1765  to  1785  she  was  a  popular  singer  at  the  Grand  Opera  in  Paris 
and  won  particular  acclaim  in  parts  she  played  in  Gluck's  operas.  For  a  time 
she  was  Count  Mercy- Argenteau's  mistress.  While  in  Paris  in  1777  Gluck 
lived  in  her  house  in  the  rue  des  Fossoyeurs.  After  Gluck's  death  she  lived 
with  his  widow  in  Vienna  till  she  too  died  and  Mile  Levasseur  returned  to 
Paris.  She  died  at  Neuwied  on  6th  May  1826. 


[Johann  Gottfried  Herder^  to  Gluck.  German] 
Highly   esteemed    and   honoured   friend,  you  will   find    enclosed   a   musical 
drama,^  which  at  first  reading  will  doubtless  make  an  unfavourable  impression 
on  you.  So  with  your  kind  permission  I  will  explain  something  of  the  purpose 
of  it. 

The  great  conflict  between  poetry  and  music,  which  has  created  such  a  gulf 
between  these  two  arts,  is  the  question  at  issue:  which  of  the  two  should  serve? 
which  rule?  The  musician  wishes  his  art  to  rule,  likewise  the  poet,  and  so  they 
frequently  stand  in  each  other's  way.  Each  wishes  to  provide  a  beautiful  whole 
and  often  overlooks  that  he  must  only  provide  a  part,  in  order  that  the  whole 
may  emerge  in  the  effect  achieved  by  both. 

Could  it  be  that  the  musician  would  give  way  and  merely  follow  and  that 
this  is  your  purpose  in  your  musical  creations  ? 

Or  might  it  be  the  poet  who  gave  way,  who  merely  gave  indications  and 
outlines,  who,  as  it  were,  merely  interpolated  words  and  clarified  the  otherwise 
vague  sensations  created  by  music? — that  is  the  object  of  this  experiment.  He 
should  only  be  what  the  inscription  is  to  a  painting  or  sculpture,  an  explanation, 
a  guide  to  lead  the  stream  of  music  by  means  of  the  words  he  intersperses. 

Hence,  honoured  friend,  the  disjointed  effect,  the  effect  of  isolation  and 
barrenness  in  reading.  It  should  not  be  read  but  heard.  The  words  should  merely 
lend  animation  to  the  emotional  framework  of  the  music,  which  should  speak, 
act,  move,  continue  speaking,  and  should  follow  only  the  spirit  and  general 
outline  of  the  poet. 


of  Christoph  IVillibaU  Gluck  51 

But  to  which  composer  should  the  Muse  now  turn?  Not  to  one  for  whom  the 
old  law  of  music — that  everything  should  be  made  in  the  round — is  like  an  arm- 
chair in  which  he  periodically  rocks  himself  to  sleep.  To  him  who  fills  each  scene 
with  action,  feeling  and  ideas  and  makes  it  speak,  as  when  Portia  and  Brutus  must 
pour  out  their  souls  in  speech — in  short,  to  Gluck. 

It  would  be  pointless  for  me  to  say  what  effect  was  produced  on  me  by  the 
few  pieces  I  have  heard  and  in  which  I  came  to  know  your  great  simplicit)'. 
Unfortunately  I  know  only  a  few  of  them.  But  if,  noble  friend,  a  kindly  spirit 
moved  you  in  reading  to  look  at  tliis  poem,  set  it  in  its  action,  if  only  in  certain 
scenes  and  passages — I  know  what  I  am  asking !  What  I  wish !  But  I  will  not  ask. 
A  happy  or  unhappy  demon,  who  is  present  when  the  piece  is  read,  must  decide. 

After  all,  Plutarch's  life  of  Brutus  and,  for  instance,  Shakespeare's  Jh/i»^  Caesar 
contain  everything  on  which  this  drama  is  a  mere  commentary  in  musical  hiero- 
glyphics. 

With  immeasurable  respect, 

Herder 
Schaumb.-Lippscher  Consistorial-Rath. 
Buckeburg  5  Nov.  1774. 

^Johann  Gottfried  Herder  was  bom  at  Mohrungen  in  East  Prussia  on 
25th  August  1744.  In  1762  he  went  to  Königsberg  to  study  medicine  but 
soon  changed  to  theology.  In  1764  he  became  a  teacher  at  the  German 
Cathedral  School  in  Riga,  where,  in  the  following  year,  he  became  preacher 
at  the  Vorstadt-Kirche.  In  1769  he  travelled  by  way  of  Nantes  to  Paris  and 
made  further  journeys  in  the  years  that  followed.  From  1771  to  1776  he 
was  parson  at  Bückeburg.  In  1776,  at  Goethe's  instigation,  he  was  called 
to  Weimar  as  General  Superintendent  and  he  died  there  on  1 8  th  December 
1803. 

^  The  opera  manuscript  sent  to  Gluck  was  called  Brutus.  It  had  already 
been  produced  at  Bückeburg  on  27th  February  1774,  set  to  music  by  Johann 
Christoph  Friedrich  Bach  (1732-1795).  As  Herder  was  not  satisfied  with  this 
composition  he  turned  to  Gluck,  whose  answer  has  not  been  traced,  and  to 
Johann  Fr.  Reichardt,  who  had  written  on  Herder's  work  with  great 
enthusiasm  but  was  not  in  favour  of  setting  it  to  music  a  second  time  [cf. 
Günther:  J.  G.  Herder's  Stellung  zur  Musik,  1903,  pp.  52ff.;  G.  Schünemann: 
'J.  Chr.  Fr.  Bach',  Bach-Jahrbuch,  1914,  pp.  97ff.]. 


[Pro  Memoria  on  Gluck's  agreements  with  the 
AcADEMiE  Roy  ALE  de  Musique.  French] 

[1775] 
Pro  Memoria 

First  Article 
The  Chevalier  Gluck  has  received  from  the  Academie  Royale  de 
Musique  three  thousand  livres  for  his  Opera  Iphigenie,  and  three 
thousand  which  he  has  received  on  behalf  of  the  poet;  he  has  been 


52  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

promised  a  gratification,  which  he  hopes  to  receive,  all  the  more  as 
his  journey  here  and  back,  with  the  expenses  he  has  incurred  during 
his  stay  in  Paris,  amounts  to  at  least  six  thousand  livres. 

Second  Article 

It  has  been  agreed  that  for  all  the  operas  he  will  make,  he  will 
have  a  sum  of  six  thousand  livres;  he  is  under  no  obhgation  to 
indemnify  the  poet,  but  if  the  poet  suppHes  his  poem  gratis,  he  will 
still  have  only  six  thousand  hvres  for  his  work  and  he  will  ask  nothing 
for  the  words ;  thus  in  the  case  of  the  Siege  de  Cy  there,  the  Academic 
Royale  will  be  responsible  for  indemnifying  the  poet,  as  was  done 
for  the  opera  Orpheus. 

Third  Article 

As  until  now  he  has  fulfilled  his  obligations  against  the  fee  of 
six  thousand  livres  which  had  been  granted  him,  he  wishes  to  know 
if  he  can  draw  pro  rata  upon  the  sum  due  to  him  since  the  8th  of 
October  of  the  year  1774,  in  the  event  of  his  contract  not  being 
renewed. 

Fourth  Article 

If  the  Academie  retains  him  on  contract,  he  is  obliged  to  compose  a 
further  three  operas,  which  are :  Alceste,  Electra,  Iphigenie  en  Tauride, 
or  in  place  of  one  of  these  an  opera  in  the  style  of  the  Siege  de 
Cythere,  to  which  number  his  promise  is  confmed,  as  his  age  and  his 
health  do  not  permit  him  to  promise  more,  and  in  this  latter  case  he 
would  come  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1776  to  give  two  operas 
simultaneously,  one  during  the  summer  for  tbe  'doubles',*  the 
other,  which  would  be  Alceste,  for  the  height  of  the  season,  and  he 
would  thus  be  in  a  position  to  prepare  the  actors  for  the  roles  which 
they  will  play ;  he  believes,  furthermore,  that  when  he  has  completed 
the  six  operas  which  he  is  to  provide,  the  revolution  in  music  will 
have  been  accomphshed. 

As  he  is  on  the  point  of  leaving  for  Vienna,  he  begs  to  be  informed 
without  delay  what,  with  reference  to  these  articles,  is  planned  for 
him. 
*  'doubles' = high  holidays. — ^Trs. 


[Power  of  Attorney  for  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 
In  the  presence  of  the  undersigned  royal  Counsellors,  notaries  at 
the  Chatelet  in  Paris,  M""^  Christophe  de  Gluck,  Chevalier  of  the 
Holy  Empire,  resident  in  Paris,  rue  Villedot,  has  made  and  constituted 


t, 


?-tT?1^'  -\ 


"■XV""' 


CHRISTOPH    MARTIN    WIELAND 

Engraving  hyj.  F.  Baiisefroni  the  painting  by  May 


B.    J.    SAURIN 

Eugravino  by  R.  d'Elvatix  from  a 
pastel  by  Robiiieau  {1788) 


FÜRST  WENZEL  ANTON 
KAUNITZ- RITTBERG 

Engraving  by  J.  G.  Haid 
{1774)  from  a  painting  by 
Johann  Xcponuik  Steiner 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  53 

as  his  Attorney,  S""  Francois  KruthofFer,  Secretary  to  H.E.  the 
Ambassador  of  their  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesties,  giving  him  the 
authority  to  negotiate,  on  his  behalf  and  in  his  name,  with  such 
persons  as  he  shall  think  fit  and  to  sell  and  surrender  to  them  at  such 
prices  and  charges  and  on  such  conditions  as  he  may  find  the  most 
advantageous : 

1.  The  entire  score  of  the  opera  entitled  The  Siege  of  Cythera, 
of  which  the  aforementioned  constituent  is  the  author,  with  all 
appurtenances ; 

2.  The  engraving  plates  of  the  score  of  the  opera  entitled 
Iphigenie,  of  which  the  aforementioned  constituent  is  also  the  author, 
as  well  as  the  plates  of  the  arias  extracted  from  the  same  opera, 
altogether  everything  that  may  form  part  of  it;  in  consequence,  to 
pass  and  sign  all  documents  concerning  any  such  sale  or  cession,  to 
agree  upon  a  price  for  the  said  objects,  to  receive  all  or  part  of  the 
said  price,  to  grant  and  agree  upon  all  question  of  duration  or  delays, 
to  act  always  as  the  assenting  party,  to  be  responsible  for  surrendering 
all  the  objects  included  in  the  aforementioned  sales,  to  give  receipts 
for  all  money  paid  and  all  valid  expenses,  and  generally,  by  virtue 
of  all  the  aforesaid,  to  do  everything  that  the  said  attorney  may 
require  of  him,  even  if  not  provided  in  this  document,  providing 
the  constituent  gives  his  full  agreement  and  ^dll  supply  acts  of 
ratification  on  demand,  obliging.  .  .  . 

Made  and  passed  at  Paris,  in  the  office,  in  the  year  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-five,  the  ninth  March,  and  signed  by 

[autograph  signatures :] 
[In  the  margin,  facing  the  last  lines :]     Chevaher  Gluck 

Fourcaut        Deherain 
Sealed  on  the  stated  day  and  year. 


[Agreement  with  Antoine  de  Peters.  French] 
We,   the   undersigned,   Antoine   de  Peters,   on  the   one  hand,   and    Francois 
KruthofFer,  on  behalf  of  and  acting  as  attorney  for  M.  le  Chevalier  Gluck  as 
agreed  in  the  presence  of  M^  Dehairin,  notary  in  Paris,  on  the  9th  of  this  present 
month  of  March,  on  the  other  hand, 

Do  recognise  and  are  agreed 

I .  That  the  payment  acknowledged  to  have  been  made  by  the  said  S"^  de  Peters  to 
the  said  S''  KruthofFer  of  the  sum  of  five  thousand  pounds  as  the  price  of  the  sale 
and  the  transfer,  negotiated  this  day  before  the  said  M*  Dehairin,  of  the  operas 
and  rights  of  the  said  S""  Chevalier  Gluck,  consists  of  two  bills  from  the  said  S'' 
de  Peters  in  favour  of  the  said  S""  Chevalier  Gluck,  the  one  for  two  thousand  pounds 

C.G.-E 


54  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

payable  in  September  next,  and  the  other  for  three  thousand  pounds  payable  in 
April  seventeen  hundred  and  seventy-six,  the  value  received  in  specie; 

2.  That  the  said  S^  de  Peters  will  ia  no  way  embarrass  the  S"^  le  Marchand  with 
regard  to  the  engraving  he  has  made  ofaBook  of  Airs  contairdng  arias  taken  from 
the  Opera  Iphigenie  arranged  for  two  violins  or  flutes,  but  on  condition  that  there 
are  no  words  under  the  aforesaid  arias. 

Made  in  duplicate  between  us  at  Paris  this  28th  March  seventeen  hundred  and 
seventy-five. 

De  Peters  F.  Kruthoffer 


[Agreement  with  Antoine  de  Peters.  French] 
Before  the  undersigned  Royal  Counsellors,  notaries  at  the  Chatelet  in  Paris, 
appeared  Sieur  Fran9ois  Kruthofler,  Secretary  to  H.E.  the  Ambassador  of  their 
Imperial  and  Royal  Majesties,  residing  in  Paris  at  the  hotel  of  H.E.  the  Ambassador, 
rue  de  Vaugirard  in  the  parish  of  Saint  Sulpice,  in  the  name  of  and  as  attorney  for 
M.  Christophe  de  Gluck,  Chevalier  of  the  Holy  Empire,  especially  authorized  to 
act  with  regard  to  these  presents,  this  authority  having  been  vested  in  him  before 
M^  Deherain,  one  of  the  undersigned  notaries,  and  his  colleague  on  the  9th  of  the 
present  month  of  March,  the  original  certificate  of  tliis  power  of  attorney  as 
represented  by  the  aforesaid  S""  Kruthoffer  is  attached  herewith  after  having  been 
signed  and  found  genuine  by  the  undersigned  notaries : 

The  same  has  by  these  presents  sold,  ceded  and  transferred  and  promised  to 
guarantee  against  any  troubles  and  hindrances  in  general  and  of  any  kind  to  M. 
Antoine  de  Peters,  Esquire,  Painter  to  the  King  of  Denmark  and  His  Serene 
Highness  Monseigneur  the  Prince  Charles  of  Lorraine,  residing  in  Paris,  rue  du 
Hazard  in  the  parish  of  St.  Roch,  and  accepting,  as  vendee  for  him  and  his  trustees, 

1.  the  complete  score  of  the  opera  entitled  The  Siege  of  Cythera,  of  which  the 
said  S''  de  Gluck  is  the  author,  with  all  appurtenances, 

2.  the  complete  score  of  the  opera  entitled  Iphigenie,  of  which  the  S"^  de  Gluck 
is  also  the  author, 

3 .  the  engraved  plates  both  of  the  said  opera  Iphigenie  and  of  the  arietta  and 
the  separate  arias  which  were  added,  altogether  everything  that  might  form  part 
of  the  said  two  operas,  without  excepting,  reserving  or  retaining  anything. 

4.  Finally  the  right  held  by  the  said  S''  de  Gluck  to  have  engraved  and  printed 
the  said  operas  and  appurtenances  by  virtue  of  the  licence  acquired  by  him  in  the 
Grand  Chancellery  of  France  for  the  engraving  and  printing  of  all  his  musical 
works  without  exception,  completed  or  still  to  be  completed; 

In  order  that  the  said  S''  de  Peters  may  enjoy,  make  and  dispose  of  all  the  said 
objects  and  appurtenances  in  complete  propriety  and  as  if  they  were  his  own  as 
from  this  date,  the  said  S""  Kruthoffer  has  vested  in  the  said  S""  de  Peters,  with  the 
aforementioned  guarantee,  all  the  rights  of  the  said  S'"  de  Gluck. 

This  sale  is  herewith  made  against  the  sum  of  five  thousand  pounds  [livres], 
which  the  said  S''  Kruthoffer  acknowledges  having  received  from  the  said  S""  de 
Peters  in  current  coins  of  the  realm,  of  which  he  acquits  and  discharges  him. 

The  said  S""  de  Peters,  for  his  part,  acknowledges  that  the  said  S""  Kruthoffer 
has  surrendered  to  him  all  the  engraved  plates,  both  of  the  opera  Iphigenie  and 
of  the  ariettas  and  other  separate  arias  deriving  from  the  opera,  of  which  he  acquits 
and  discharges  him. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  55 

As  regards  the  score  of  the  opera  entitled  The  Siege  of  Cythcra,  the  said  S*" 
KruthofFer  promises  to  dehver  it  or  have  it  deUvcred  to  the  said  S''  de  Peters  within 
one  month  from  tliis  day. 

The  said  S'"  Kruthoffer  promises  furthermore  to  dehver  within  eight  days  to  the 
said  S""  de  Peters  the  original  in  parchment  of  the  licence  granted  to  the  said  S'' 
de  Gluck  for  the  engraving  and  printing  of  his  works,  or  a  collated  copy  of  the 
same  and  of  its  registration  at  the  chamber  of  advocates. 

And  for  the  execution  of  these  presents,  the  parties  have  chosen  the  addresses 
stated  below,  in  which  places,  notwithstanding  .  .  .  promising  .  .  .  obliging  .  .  . 
renouncing.  .  .  . 

Made  and  approved  in  Paris,  in  the  office  in  the  year  seventeen  hundred  and 
seventy-five,  the  twenty-eighth  March,  and  signed  by 
[Autograph  signatures :] 
F.  KruthofFer  De  Peters 

Fourcault  Deherain. 


[Franz  Kruthoffer  to  Gluck.  French] 
To  the  Chevalier  Gluck  in  Vienna,  Paris,  3  ist  March  1775. 

A  few  days  after  your  departure  I  decided,  Monsieur,  to  conclude  with  M.  de 
Peters  the  final  arrangement  concerning  your  operas  Iphigenie  and  the  Siege  de 
Cy there,  by  virtue  of  the  power  you  have  given  me  in  this  respect.  Before  taking 
the  necessary  steps  I  pledged  M.  de  Peters  to  arrange  with  S.  Le  Marchand^ 
all  that  might  be  necessary  on  the  one  hand  to  expedite  his  business  and  on  the 
other  to  replace  the  short  airs  for  two  violins  which  had  been  taken  from  Iphigenie. 
M.  de  Peters  accepted  this  with  the  best  will  in  the  world,  but  M.  Le  Marchand  did 
not  think  fit  to  reply.  I,  for  my  part,  being  sure  of  M.  de  Peters's  way  of  thinking 
and  relying  on  your  assurance  to  me  that  you  have  given  nothing  in  writing  to  the 
aforementioned  Sr.  Md.  [Marchand]  which  might  authorize  him  to  take  any  other 
airs  from  the  opera  Iphigenie  than  those  engraved  last  year  for  two  violins,  and  not 
wishing  to  lose  any  more  time  in  completing  this  affair,  I  hastened  to  submit  the 
contract  with  M.  de  Peters  to  a  Notary,  by  which  contract  I  transfer  to  him  in  your 
name  the  full  and  entire  ownership  of  the  said  operas  on  the  conditions  laid  down 
between  you  and  him,  and  with  one  further  condition  in  a  separate  document  under 
private  seal  that  the  aforesaid  M.  de  Peters  would  not  trouble  the  aforesaid  Sr. 
Marchand  in  the  sale  of  his  volume  of  airs  for  two  violins. 

This  operation  completed,  it  only  remained  to  transfer  the  copyright  of  the 
opera  Iphigenie,  which  you  have  partially  ceded  to  Sr.  le  Marchand.  I  urged  him 
to  proceed  accordingly.  He  agreed.  But  I  learn  to  my  surprise  that  he  had  written 
permission  from  you  and  bearing  your  signature,  which  authorizes  him  to  extract 
from  Iphighie  such  airs  as  he  might  consider  suitable,  other  than  those  mentioned 
above.  I  cannot  conceal  from  you.  Monsieur,  that  this  assertion,  which  is  contrary 
to  what  you  told  me,  came  as  a  shock  to  me.  I  was  reluctant  to  attach  any  credence 
to  it  but  was  obliged  to  give  way  on  seeing  the  document  in  question.  It  is  dated 
the  6th  March  last  and  is  signed  and  approved  by  you. 

I  am  bound  to  tell  you  frankly  that  the  facility  with  which  you  thus  commit 
yourself  in  writing  can  in  general  harm  your  interests;  and  in  the  present  instance 
it  can  be  a  source  of  embarrassment  to  me.  On  your  testimony  that  no  such  per- 
mission had  been  given,  I  drew  up  the  contract  with  M.  de  Peters,  making  but  one 


56  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

reservation  to  cover  the  Book  of  Airs,  on  which  the  stipulations  are  quite  precise, 
and,  after  all  this  trouble  has  been  taken,  S.  Md.  [Marchand]  comes  forward  with  a 
written  permission,  the  existence  of  which  had  not  even  been  suspected,  and 
announces  in  the  pubhc  papers  a  new  Book  of  Airs  taken  from  this  opera  and 
arranged  for  the  harpsichord.  You  will  agree,  Mr.,  that  an  incident  of  this  kind  is 
designed  to  displease  persons  who  conduct  their  affairs  without  reservation  and 
without  obhquity.  The  debit  of  this  new  Book  of  Airs  must  do  an  injustice  to  the 
present  proprietor,  the  more  so  as  he  had  planned  to  have  a  similar  suite  of  ariettas 
taken  from  it  and  he  would  be  legally  justified  in  suing  you  for  appropriate 
compensation.  But  judge  now  the  honesty  of  M.  de  Peters  and  the  conduct  of  Sr. 
le  Md.  [Marchand] — ^M.  de  Peters  out  of  regard  for  you,  Monsieur,  was  willing 
to  let  this  article  pass  and  extend  your  permission  to  the  new  Book,  his  sole 
conditions  being  i)  to  substitute  his  permission  for  yours,  it  being  just  that  an 
extract  from  any  work  whatsoever  appearing  at  a  time  when  one-third  of  it  is  in 
private  ownership,  permission  with  regard  to  it  must  emanate  from  the  last 
owner,  2)  that  M.  de  Peters  may  in  his  turn  take  airs  from  the  opera  Orfeo  should 
he  wish  to  do  so. 

These  conditions,  the  fairness  of  which  will  not  escape  you.  Monsieur,  were 
rejected  by  M.  Marchand.  As  his  refusal  could  have  no  solid  foundation,  one  can 
only  ascribe  such  strange  conduct  to  recrimination  or  a  leaning  to  chicanery.  This 
is  how  things  stand  at  present.  I  do  not  guarantee  that  the  goodwill  of  M.  de 
Peters  will  be  maintained  indefinitely;  if  M.  le  Md.  suffers  any  inconvenience, 
he  must  ascribe  it  to  his  own  obstinacy,*  and  you  are  too  just-minded  not  to  see 
at  the  first  glance  that  M.  de  Peters  and  I  have  done  all  that  honesty  and  integrity 
could  do  to  carry  out  your  wishes. 

There  remains  one  final  clause  which  I  must  bring  to  your  attention:  Under 
the  contract  the  copyright  o£lphigenie  has  had  to  be  given  to  M.  de  Peters.  As  this 
copyright  was  allegedly  ceded  to  Sr.  le  Md.  in  a  private  agreement  which  is  in 
your  hands,  it  is  essential  that  I  have  this  private  agreement  in  my  possession 
either  to  return  to  Sr.  le  Md.,  in  the  event  of  the  said  copyright  being  restored  to 
M.  de  Peters,  or  as  a  guarantee  if  the  other,  as  a  result  of  his  perpetual  inconstancy, 
were  unwilling  to  accede  to  this  partial  performance.  I  beg  you  therefore  to  send 
me  this  counterletter  without  delay.  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  le  Md.  has 
already  asked  you  for  it  directly.  Take  good  care  not  to  give  it  to  him,  for  this 
would  merely  render  still  more  confused  a  transaction  which,  instead  of  causing 
me  a  thousand  fruitless  demarches  and  unpleasant  disputes,  would  have  been 
simple  and  would  have  been  terminated  in  one  day,  had  one  not  been  compelled 
to  deal  with  people  who  deliberately  bandage  their  eyes  in  order  not  to  see  the 

However  disagreeable  and  unsettling  this  affair  may  be,  I  am  none  the  less 
anxious  to  acquit  myself  well  in  it  in  order  to  justify  the  friendship  and  confidence 
with  which  you  honour  me.  I  beg  you  to  make  use  of  my  services  in  any  cir- 
cumstances in  which  I  might  be  of  use  to  you  in  any  way;  I  would  respond  with  a 
zeal  equal  to  the  complete  and  sincere  attachment  with  which  I  have  the  honour 
tobe.  .  .  . 

^Le  Marchand  was  Hautbois  des  Mousquetaries  et  de  I'Academie  Royale 
de  Musique.  He  started  as  a  music  publisher  around  1768  in  the  Cloitre  St 
Thomas  du  Louvre  aux  3  C^lebrcs,  moved  in  1774  to  the  rue  Fromenteau 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghck  57 


au  maison  du  Sellier  and  in  1778  to  the  rue  de  GrcncUc  St  Honorc.  About 
1783  his  business  was  taken  over  by  Des  Lauriers, 

*  The  text  has  'ententement'.  'Entetement'  would  make  good  sense. — Trs. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.^  German] 
[added  in  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris  17  May  1775] 

Vienna,  15th  April  1775 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

At  the  time  when  I  asked  you  to  conclude  my  affairs  with  Mr 
Peters,  I  had  not  even  dreamt  that  you  would  have  so  much  worry 
on  my  account.  This  distresses  me  so  much  that  I  would  rather  lose 
all  the  money  than  see  you  further  involved  in  such  inconvenience. 
Mr  Marchand  has  written  to  me  and  complains  as  usual  of  the  great 
injustice  that  has  been  done  to  him.  I  am  sending  you  my  reply, 
which,  when  you  have  read  it,  please  forward  to  him.  Should  he 
persist  in  his  obstinacy,  then,  if  you  think  fit,  to  meet  the  loss  Mr 
Peters  might  be  persuaded  to  bear  part  of  the  advance  of  five 
thousand  hvres,  for  I  am  absolutely  determined  that  you  should  have 
no  further  trouble  in  the  future  on  my  account.  I  only  wish  that  I 
could  make  good  what  has  happened  so  far.  Mr  Marchand's 
declaration  which  you  demand  from  me  does  not  exist;  I  did  not  ask 
for  it,  because  I  could  not  suspect  that  he  would  ever  be  capable  of 
becoming  a  rogue.  You  teach  me,  however,  to  be  more  careful  in 
future  with  such  people.  The  matter  is  known  to  everyone  and  he 
can  be  confronted  with  enough  witnesses,  if  it  should  be  necessary. 
I  beg  you  to  give  my  respects  to  Mr  Peters*  and  to  warn  him  that 
perhaps  the  last  Allegro  in  the  overture  will  be  changed,  so  that  he 
should  not  have  it  engraved  till  it  is  decided  whether  it  remains.^ 
My  wife  and  Nanette^  send  you  their  warmest  regards,  and  also 
to  Mr  de  Blumendorff.*  Write  us  something  cheerful,  for  here  in 
Vienna  the  chmate  is  very  wild  and  melancholy.  We  have  a  hard 
frost  and  snow  and  envy  you  the  fme  weather  in  Paris.  Adieu !  Do 
not  tire  of  my  friendship,  for  you  are  not  prodigal  with  it.  I  will 
always  remember  the  troubles  I  have  caused  you  and  will  endeavour 
by  my  appreciation  to  convince  you  that  I  am. 
Most  esteemed  friend. 

Your  most  devoted  servant, 
Chevalier  Gluck. 


58  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

PS.  Let  me  know  if  you  have  found,  or  should  find  a  good  way  out 
with  those  4  [Quartets]  by  Mr.  Aspelmayer^  which  I  submitted 
to  you. 

[Address]  To  Monsieur 
Monsieur  Kruthoffer 
Secretaire  de  son  Excellence 
Mr :  L' Ambassadeur  Imperiale  a  Paris 

^  Franz  Kruthoffer,  according  to  Georg  Kinsky,  was  bom  around  1740 
in  Heidelberg,  where  his  father  was  a  forestry  official  of  Prince  Karl  Theodor. 
After  completing  Ins  law  studies,  he  took  up  the  career  of  private  secretary. 
While  still  a  young  man  he  became  Secretary  to  the  Prince  of  Hessen- 
Rheinfels  in  Paris,  then  from  1768  onwards  Secretary  to  the  the  Imperial 
Ambassador.  In  1794,  during  the  French  Revolution,  the  Ambassador's  palace 
was  requisitioned  by  the  French  War  Ministry  and  Kruthoffer  was  arrested. 
He  spent  a  year  in  prison.  After  the  Imperial  Embassy  was  reopened  in  Paris, 
KjuthofFer  entered  Austrian  Government  service.  He  appears  to  have  left 
the  service  about  1805.  As  far  as  we  know,  he  died  some  time  after  1815. 

The  highly  illuminating  letters  reproduced  here  are  all  that  remain 
concerning  the  affairs  with  Mr  Peters  and  the  publisher  Marchand. 
2  'The  last  Allegro  in  the  overture'  refers  to  the  engraving  prepared 
by  Peters  of  the  new  version  of  the  ballet-opera  Cythere  assiegee,  which 
was  first  produced  on  ist  August  1775.  The  composer,  who  was  seriously  ill 
in  Vienna,  was  not  present.  The  printed  score  does  not  contain  the  overture, 
a  revised  version  of  the  Sitifonia  to  Paride  ed  Elena  of  1770;  it  was  added 
in  orchestral  parts  (c£  C.  Hopkinson:  A  Bibliography  of  the  Works  of  Gluck. 
London,  1959). 

^  Marianne  Nanette  Gluck  was  the  daughter  of  Gluck's  sister,  Maria 
Anna  Rosine  (bom  2nd  April  1718  Reichstadt),  who  from  1758  to  176 1  was 
married  to  a  Captain  of  Horse  in  the  Hungarian  Hussars,  Claudius  Hedler. 
Nanette  was  bom  in  1759  (or  1760)  and  died  of  smallpox  in  Vienna  on  22nd 
April  1776,  the  day  before  the  premiere  ofAlceste  in  Paris,  which  Gluck,  her 
uncle  and  father-by-adoption,  was  attending.  As  we  know  from  contem- 
porary accounts,  she  had  an  excellent  soprano  voice  and  had  been  trained  by 
the  famous  castrato,  Giuseppe  Milhco  (1737-1802). 

*  Franz  VON  Blumendorf  was  employed  in  the  Chancery  of  the  Austrian 
Embassy  in  Paris  from  1770  untu  1785,  when  he  succeeded  Secretary  to  the 
Embassy  Georg  von  Barre  as  Charge  d' Affaires,  a  post  he  held  till  the  Embassy 
closed  down  in  1792.  Finally  in  1801  he  became  Commercial  Counsellor 
at  the  Imperial  Chancery  in  Vienna  and  in  18 17  Archivar  der  älteren  Akten 
(Archivist  of  older  documents).  He  died  at  the  age  of  eighty-eight  on 
1 3  th  July  1 826  in  Vienna. 

^  Franz  Aspelmayer  (born  1721,  died  21st  May  1786)  was  a  Court  Musician 
and  composer  of  ballet  with  the  Italian  Opera  in  Vienna.  Hugo  Riemann 
describes  him  as  'one  of  the  first  Viennese  composers,  who  followed  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  Mannlieimcr  school  in  the  sphere  of  orchestral  and  chamber 
music'.  The  postscript  probably  refers  to  the  'Six  quartets',  opus  6,  which 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  59 

appeared  iii  Paris  and  in  the  publication  of  which  Gluck  was  to  act  as 
intermediary. 


[To  THE  PUBLISHER  Le  Marchand.  French] 

Vienna,  15th  April  1775 
I  am  distressed  to  learn  of  the  difficulties  that  you  have  had  in 
connection  with  your  affair,  as  I  am  convinced  that  Mr  Kruthoffer 
and  M.  Peters  have  always  been  most  honest  and  reasonable  and  I 
regret  that  you  have  not  accepted  with  a  good  grace  the  arrange- 
ments they  wished  to  make  with  you.  I  do  not  wish  to  reach  any 
decision,  for  I  have  seen  a  letter  in  which  complaints  are  again  made 
against  you.  I  cannot  believe  that  your  feelings  of  friendship  for  me 
would  allow  you  to  be  the  cause  of  annulling  the  contract  I  made 
with  M.  de  Peters,  so  I  beg  you  not  to  place  any  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  the  execution  of  my  agreement  with  M.  Peters.  I  have  been  told 
that  I  gave  you  written  authorisation  to  borrow  airs  from  the  opera 
Iphigenie  other  than  those  for  two  violins  which  were  engraved  last 
year.  Having  sold  my  Iphigenie,  I  cannot  in  all  honesty  give  such  an 
authorization.  So  if  you  have  anything  in  writing  from  me — which  I 
do  not  recoUect,  or  the  contents  of  which  I  have  not  understood,  or 
which  I  wrote  at  a  moment  when  I  was  preoccupied  with  something 
else — I  beg  you  to  return  this  document  to  M.  Peters,  for  you  would 
not  wish  me  to  pass  in  Paris  for  a  dishonest  man.  Thank  heaven,  I  am 
not  yet  dead,  and  I  wiU  still  have  many  opportunities  of  being  of 
use  to  you  and  of  compensating  you.  If  you  attach  any  value  to  our 
friendship,  then  see  to  it  that  I  hear  no  more  talk  of  quarrels  and  that 
everything  is  settled.  I  need  my  head  for  my  work,  for,  between 
ourselves,  I  will  arrive  next  year  with  three  operas  instead  of  the 
two  I  had  promised  you.  You  can  see  that  I  have  no  time  for  disputes 
and  that  I  must  work  like  a  dog.  Be  sensible,  for  I  have  the  means 
whereby,  on  my  arrival,  you  can  make  a  reasonable  profit.  My  wife 

and  daughter  embrace  you .  Send  me  news  of  the  operas. 

I  am  always. 

Your  very  dutiful  friend  and  servant, 
Chevaher  Gluck. 


PS.  I  hope  to  hear  without  delay  that  your  affairs  with  M.  de  Peters 
have  been  arranged  amicably.  Do  your  utmost  to  settle  this  affair 
once  and  for  all. 


6o  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[Antoine  de  Peters  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 
Monsieur, 

I  sent  a  message  to  Mr  Berton^  this  morning  to  enquire  of  him  when  I  might 
have  the  score  of  the  opera  Siege  de  Cythere.  He  rephed  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
it  and  that,  moreover,  M.  Gluck  had  sold  this  piece  to  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Music.  I  must  confess.  Monsieur,  that  all  this  is  new  to  me.  I  only  know  that  M. 
Gluck,  before  leaving  for  Vienna,  charged  you  to  procure  it,  and  I  therefore  beg 
you  to  let  me  have  this  work,  otherwise,  as  you  will  readily  understand,  I  cannot 
make  the  full  payment  agreed  between  you  and  M.  Gluck.  Furthermore,  if  my 
Siege  de  Cythere  is  not  in  my  hands  in  time  to  be  engraved  for  the  first  performance, 
I  shall  demand  the  compensation  which  is  or  will  be  due  to  me.  Have  the  goodness, 
therefore,  to  see  that  my  expectations  are  satisfied.  For  the  rest,  I  will  bow  to 
circumstance  and  will  send  for  the  copyist  in  the  hope  that  M.  Berton  will  be 
able  to  lend  me  one  act  of  the  Siege  de  Cythere. 

I  have  the  honour  to  await  your  reply  and  to  be. 
Monsieur, 
Your  very  humble  servant 
A.  de  Peters 
2ist  April  1775 

^  PiERRE-MoNTAN  Berton,  bom  on  7th  January  1727  in  Maubert-Fontaine 
near  Rocroy  (Ardennes),  received  his  musical  training  in  the  Cathedral 
School  at  Senlis  and  in  Paris,  where  he  was  engaged  at  the  age  of  eighteen 
as  a  tenor  at  the  Royal  Academy  of  Music.  He  then  sang  and  conducted  in 
Bordeaux,  returning  in  1755  to  Paris,  where  he  became  a  Master  of  Music. 
From  1 76 1  onwards  he  was  Director  of  Opera  in  Paris,  first  with  Trial  (died 
1771),  then  with  Antoine  d'Auvergne  (1713-1797),  till  de  Vismes  took  over 
from  him  in  1778.  Berton,  who  was  appointed  General  Administrator  of  the 
Opera  in  1775,  died  on  14th  May  1780  in  Paris.  He  wrote,  inter  alia,  the 
divertissements  for  Gluck's  Cythere  assiegee,  which  were  included  in  the 
performances  in  Paris  but  not  in  the  printed  score.  The  'final  divertissement\ 
which  in  the  score  follows  the  'final  chorus'  (Quartet  and  chorus:  'l9i  mille 
plaisirs'),  consists  of  ballet  movements  and  other  pieces  taken  from  earlier 
works  by  Gluck — Semiramide,  It  re  pastore,  Iphigenie  en  Aulide,  Paride  ed 
Elena.  Page  192  of  the  printed  score  carries  the  following  footoote:  'All  the 
divertissements  from  the  beginning  of  the  march  to  the  end  of  the  score  were 
composed  by  M.  Gluck,  and  the  divertissements  played  in  the  Opera  House 
were  composed  by  Mr.  Berton.'  The  Mimoires  secretes  contain  this  ob- 
servation (VIII,  141):  '  .  .  .  as  M.  Gluck  found  it  necessary  to  leave  for 
Vienna  earlier  than  he  had  expected,  he  did  not  have  time  to  write  the  music 
for  the  last  act ;  he  was,  theretore,  obliged  to  engage  Sr.  Berton  to  complete 
the  work  for  him;  hence  there  is,  of  necessity,  an  appreciable  disparity 
between  the  two  compositions'. 


[Franz  Kruthoffer  to  M.  le  Marchand.  French] 

[30th  April  1775] 
M.  le  Ch"".  Gluck  has  just  sent  me  the  attached  letter  in  which  he  explains  his 
wishes  concerning  what  remains  of  his  agreement  with  M.  de  Peters:  it  will  make 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  61 

clear  to  you,  Monsieur,  that  my  sentiments  and  the  dhnarches  which  I  made  arc 
in  complete  conformity  witli  M.  le  Ch''.  Gluck's  wishes.  I  was  too  fully  acquainted 
with  them  to  be  in  ignorance,  and,  now  that  he  himself  has  confirmed  them,  I 
have  reason  to  think  that  you  will  no  longer  ascribe  to  partiahty  what  in  principle 
was  founded  on  justice.  Consider,  Monsieur,  how  you  can  fialfil  the  wishes  of 
M.  le  Ch"".  Gluck.  My  intervention  will  perhaps  not  be  agreeable  to  you,  in  which 
case  you  can  deal  directly  with  M.  de  Peters,  who  has  been  advised  that  you  are 
to  remit  to  him  the  document  in  question,  on  which  I  have  no  comment  to  make, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  M.  le  Ch''.  Gluck  has  already  dealt  with  this  in  the  letter  he 
wrote  you.  I  am  convinced  that  you  attach  too  much  value  to  M.  Gluck's  friend- 
ship not  to  settle  this  matter  as  soon  as  possible,  which  should  not  have  dragged 
on  so  long :  for  myself  I  will  be  greatly  obliged  to  you. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be — 
[Kruthoffer] 


[To  Abbe  Arnaud.^  French] 

Vienna,  12th  May  1775 
Monsieur  and  very  dear  friend ! 

We  are  all  astonished  that  you  have  not  replied  to  my  daughter's 
letter.  Is  it  possible  that  Gretri^  could  have  taken  my  place  in  your 
affections?  Is  it  necessary  to  forget  one  person  in  loving  another? 
You  give  so  much  of  your  time  to  your  acquaintances  and  friends  that 
aU  make  claims  on  you;  do  likewise  with  your  affections  so  that  I 
shall  always  be  able  to  keep  a  small  place  in  your  heart  and  I  shall 
await  before  long  a  few  kindly  words  from  you,  such  as  we  have 
come  to  expect  of  you  and  give  me  so  much  pleasure.  If  you  do  not 
write  to  me  soon,  I  promise  to  take  my  revenge  when  I  arrive  in 
Paris,  for  I  will  not  let  you  hear  a  single  bar  of  my  Alceste,  on  which 
I  am  working  at  present.  In  this  respect  I  beg  you  to  press  M.  Comte 
or  Marquis,  who  intended  to  do  VOlimpiade,^  to  send  me  the  poem 
as  soon  as  possible,  for,  if  it  is  well  done,  I  would  begin  at  once  to  set 
it  to  music,  and  tell  me,  I  beg  you,  whether  I  can  count  on  him  or 
not.  My  wife  and  my  daughter  send  you  a  thousand  tender  regards, 
and  I  remain  always 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  friend  and  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 

PS.  I  beg  you  to  let  me  know  whether  M.  de  Plessi  will  finish  my 
portrait*  for  the  Salon,  or  not. 

^  Francois  Arnaud  was  bom  on  27th  June  1721  in  Aubignau  near 
Carpentras.  In  1752  he  came  to  Paris,  in  1765  became  Abbot  of  Grandchamps 
and  later  Reader  and  Librarian  to  the  Count  of  Provence  and  a  member  of  the 


62  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Academy.  In  the  dispute  between  the  Gluckists  and  the  Piccinnists  he  took 
the  side  of  Gluck.  Arnaud,  who  together  with  Suard  pubUshed  the  Varietes 
Utteraries  (1768-1769),  died  on  2nd  December  1784  in  Paris  [cf.  E.  de 
Bricqueville :  L'Ahbe  Arnaud  et  la  reforme  de  V opera  au  XVIIP  siede,  1881]. 
2  Andre  Erneste  Modeste  Gretry  was  bom  on  8th  February  1742  in 
Liege.  After  a  superficial  study  of  music  in  his  native  town  and  in  Rome,  he 
went,  on  Voltaire's  advice,  to  Paris,  where  he  wrote  some  epoch-making 
comic  operas.  Apart  from  a  brief  period  as  Inspector  at  the  newly-founded 
Conservatoire,  he  held  no  official  positions,  as  he  wished  to  devote  all  his 
time  to  creative  work.  In  1802  Napoleon  appointed  him  a  Chevalier  of  the 
Legion  d'Honneur,  and,  as  he  had  lost  his  fortune  during  the  Revolution, 
granted  him  a  pension.  Of  his  many  operas  the  most  successful  were  Barbe 
bleue  and  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion.  Gretry  died  on  24th  September  1813  at 
Montmorney  near  Paris  [cf.  H.  de  Curzon:  Gretry,  1909;  E.  Closson:  ^.-M. 
Gretry,  1920]. 

^  The  text-book  of  the  Olympiade  mentioned  here  is  presumably  the  one 
which  Nicolas  Etienne  Framery  produced  from  a  libretto  by  Pietro  Meta- 
stasio.  The  opera  had  its  premiere  with  music  by  Antonio  Sacchini  on  2nd 
October  1777  in  the  Comedie  italienne  in  Paris. 

^  The  painting  by  Joseph  Duplessis,  the  French  Court  Painter,  was 
completed.  It  is  a  half-length  portrait,  which  shows  Gluck  seated  at  the 
piano.  The  original  hangs  in  the  Belvedere  Gallery  in  Vienna,  to  which  it 
was  left  by  Gluck's  widow  in  her  will  (see  frontispiece). 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KrutliofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  23rd June  1775] 

Vienna,  30th  May  1775 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  have  received  no  answer  to  my  letter  to  Mr  Marchand;  should  I 
receive  one,  I  will  follow  your  advice  completely.  If  you  think  fit, 
have  a  word  with  the  Bailly  du  RouUet  about  this  matter;  perhaps 
he  can  bring  Mr  Marchand  to  see  reason.  In  that  case  I  wiU  advise 
him  in  advance,  for  I  am  anxious  that  the  matter  should  be  settled 
once  and  for  all.  If  you  or  Mr  Peters,  to  whom  I  send  my  respects, 
should  wish  a  theatre  ticket  at  any  time,  then  please  address  yourself 
to  the  Bailly  du  RouUet,  to  whom  I  will  write  accordingly.  I  have 
written  to  Mr  B  er  ton  that  he  is  to  transmit  to  Mr  Peters  the 
alteration  in  the  Overture,  in  the  event  of  its  being  produced.  As  far 
as  the  final  divertissement  is  concerned,  I  deliberately  omitted  to 
make  one,  because  it  is  an  hors  d'oetwre  and  my  piece  concludes  with 
the  final  chorus.  Should  Mr  Peters,  however,  attach  importance  to 
introducing  something  of  the  kind,  then  I  wiU  ask  Mr  Berton  to  try 


of  Christoph  Willibald  GUick  63 

to  work  something  out,  although  I  bcHcvc  the  piece  will  be  strong 
and  long  enough  as  it  stands,  without  incurring  further  expense. 
My  regards  to  H.  v.  BlumendorfF  and  Mr  [Joseph]  Kohaut.^  Please 
tell  him  from  me  that  I  will  write  to  him  as  soon  as  possible.  If  you 
see  Mr  La  Motte,^  tell  him  to  write  to  his  mother,  if  he  does  not 
wish  her  to  die. 

I  remain, 

Most  esteemed  friend. 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
Chevalier  Gluck. 
PS.  Please  let  me  have  some  news  of  the  theatre. 
[Address :] 

To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  KruthofFer, 
ä 
Paris 

^Joseph  Kohaut,  born  around  1736  in  Bohemia,  was  a  brother  of  Karl 
Kohaut  (c£  p.  68),  who  was  an  operatic  composer  in  Paris  and  described 
himself  as  'Ordinaire  de  la  Musique  de  S.A.S.  Monseigneur  le  Prince  de 
Conty'.  Three  trios  by  him  for  harpsichord,  violin  and  bass-viol  (published 
by  Gerardin)  appeared  in  1767.  He  died  about  1793  in  Paris. 
2  Franz  La  Motte  (Lamotte),  bom  175 1  in  Vieima(;),  died  1781  in  Holland, 
was  a  violin  virtuoso  who  was  admired,  amongst  others,  by  Mozart.  He 
made  very  successful  appearances  in  Vienna,  from  1769  onwards  in  Paris 
and  in  1776  in  London. 


[To  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock.  German] 

Vienna,  24th  June  1775 
I  hope  you  have  received  the  arias  as  requested  from  the  Graf  von 
Cobentzl  [Kobenzl],^  which  I  sent  on  this  occasion  to  you  in  order  to 
save  the  cost  of  postage.  I  was  compelled  to  leave  out  the  annotations 
because  I  found  it  impossible  to  express  myself  as  I  wished.  I  think 
you  would  fmd  it  equally  difficult  if  you  had  to  inform  someone 
by  letter  how  and  with  what  kind  of  expression  he  should  declaim 
your  Messiah.  All  this  is  a  question  of  feeling  and  is  not  easy  to 
explain,  as  you  know  better  than  I.  Although  I  am  doing  the  spade- 
work,  I  have  not  thus  far  been  able  to  act,  for  hardly  had  I  arrived  in 
Vienna  when  the  Emperor  left  and  he  has  not  yet  returned.  More- 
over one  must  still  observe  the  regulation  quarter  of  an  hour  if  one 
is  to  achieve  anything.  At  large  Courts  there  is  seldom  occasion  to 


64  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

settle  anything  worthwhile.  I  hear,  however,  that  an  Academy  of  Fine 
Sciences  is  to  be  established  here  and  that  the  income  from  its  papers 
and  almanacs  is  to  form  part  of  the  fund  to  meet  the  costs.  When  I 
am  more  fully  informed  of  the  affair,  I  will  not  fail  to  report  every- 
thing to  you.  Meanwhile  love  me  a  httle  until  such  time  as  I  am 
again  so  happy  as  to  see  you.  My  wife  and  daughter  send  you  their 
compliments  and  are  happy  to  have  news  of  you. 
I  remain. 

Your  most  devoted 
Gluck. 

from  Vienna. 
[Address :] 

To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  Klopstock 
a 

Hamburg 
in  der  Konigsstrasse 

^Johann  Ludwig  Joseph  Graf  von  Kobenzl  (1753-1809)  was 
Austrian.  Ambassador  in  Copenhagen,  later  in  Berlin  and  St  Petersburg. 
From  1 801  to  1805,  as  Court  and  State  Chancellor,  he  was  virtually  the 
Director  of  the  Austrian  monarchy. 


[To  Bailli  du  Roullet.^  French] 

Vienna,  ist  July  1775 
This  is  a  letter  in  three  acts ;  you  will  fmd  it  somewhat  vulgar  but 
I  am  forgetting  fme  manners  and  speaking  only  to  a  friend,  to  whom 
I  am  at  least  as  attached  as  to  my  wife. 

Act  I.  Siege  de  Cy  there 

To  begin  with,  I  think  Mr  Berton  is  something  of  a  wretch, 
because  he  has  made  no  reply  to  two  letters  I  have  written  to  him, 
and,  as  he  has  been  imprudent  enough  to  present  Orphee  again  on 
the  stage,  I  can  only  believe  that  he  cares  little  whether  my  works  are 
well  or  badly  produced.  I  have  even  very  little  hope  that  the  Siege 
de  Cythere  [the  real  title  of  the  opera  was  La  Cythere  assiegee]  will 
give  any  pleasure,  particularly  if  the  end  of  the  second  act  is  not 
produced  with  great  precision  and  if  the  actors  and  the  choirs  do  not 
respond  to  it  warmly.  If  you  sec  that  the  work  is  being  spoiled,  I  beg 
you,  together  with  the  Ambassador,  to  sec  that  it  is  removed  from 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  6$ 

the  theatre  and  I  will  then  present  it  myself  when  I  arrive  in  Paris. 
Then  we  shall  see  how  it  should  be  produced. 

Act  II.  The  Opera  buffa  or  Rewarded  Loyalty^ 

You  tell  me  that  the  author  is  a  poor  devil  who  must  be  paid.  So 
be  it.  But  one  must  arrange  a  price  with  him,  as,  according  to  my 
contract,  I  receive  only  6,000  livres  for  the  opera,  assuming  that 
the  poetry  belongs  to  me.  You  can  come  to  some  agreement  with 
Mr  Berton  on  this.  Moreover,  this  is  an  opera  which  should  only 
be  presented  every  Thursday  and  by  the  second  cast;  although  the 
work  will  be  weaker  than  the  other  operas,  it  will  have  its  merits  on 
the  day  on  which  it  is  given  and  for  the  actors  who  must  perform  it. 
But  tell  the  author  that  he  must  not  forget  to  introduce  choruses 
only  where  the  situation  permits. 

Act  III.  Alceste 

In  the  fifth  scene  of  the  first  act  I  had  removed  the  second  verse  of 
Alceste's  monologue:  'Voila  done  le  secours  que  j'attendais  de  vous' ; 
it  should  be  restored  as  in  the  original.  The  divertissement  in  the 
second  act  should  not,  I  think,  be  too  long,  otherwise  it  will  be  out 
of  proportion  to  the  rest  of  the  opera,  and  I  also  think  that  the  dance, 
during  the  choruses,  must  be  general  and  very  gay,  not  a  pas  de  deux 
or  a  solo,  because  I  beheve  that  only  gaiety  must  predominate,  and 
any  other  dance  not  of  a  general  nature  would  spoil  the  situation. 
I  wish  your  opinion  on  this  point. 

I  am  dehghted  that  you  fmd  my  arrangement  to  your  taste,  but 
I  do  not  fmd  your  denouement  at  the  end  of  the  third  act  a  very  happy 
one.  It  would  be  suitable  for  an  opera  by  Chabanon,^  Marmontel,* 
or  the  Chevalier  Sain[t]  Mar[d],^  but  it  is  no  good  for  a  masterpiece 
hke  Alceste.  What  the  devil  do  you  think  Apollo  is  doing  here  with 
the  arts ;  They  are  only  in  place  in  his  company  on  Mount  Parnassus ; 
here  interest  in  the  catastrophe  is  merely  distracted.  Suddenly,  hke  a 
flash  of  Hghtning,  a  denouement  occurred  to  me  which  I  fmd  infmitely 
better  and  which  will  set  the  seal  on  the  beauty  of  your  work.  Here 
it  is:  Apollo:  'Your  misfortunes  have  moved  the  gods,  and  Fate,  in 
answer  to  your  pleas,  consents  to  revoke  its  harsh  commands.  Go 
and  console  your  subjects,  who  are  mourning  the  loss  of  Alceste,  etc. 
etc.,  and  hve  happily  from  now  on.'  Apollo  withdraws  andAdmetos  and 
Alceste  sing  a  couple  of  verses  together  expressing  their  gratitude  to  him. 
Last  scene :  a  large  room  or  an  illuminated  open  space,  the  chorus  and 
the  dancers  grouped  in  attitudes  of  great  sadness.  The  people  still 
believe  that  Alceste  is  dead  and  know  nothing  of  what  is  happening  in  the 


66  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

wood.  The  children  are  surrounded  by  the  dancers,  on  whom  they 
gaze  sadly.  Evander  [Evandros]  in  a  duet  with  a  leader  of  the  chorus  says: 
'What  wiU  become  of  us  ?  Alceste  no  longer  Hves !  Admetos  has 
met  a  dreadful  fate !  I  tremble  .  .  .'  The  other :  'I  am  turned  to  ice ! 
Terror  and  horror  will  bring  consolation!'  (Both:  'What  unhappy 
wretches  we  are!  Who  can  help  us?')  The  chorus  in  a  long  verse: 
'Weep,  Oh  native  land,  Oh  Thessaly !  Alceste  is  dead'.  A  few  verses 
of  lamentation  are  exchanged  between  the  leader  of  the  chorus  and 
Evandre,  then  the  choir  again:  'Weep,  Oh  native  land !',  etc.,  etc.,  as 
in  the  ItaHan  original.  After  this  whole  scene,  Admetos  and  Alceste 
appear. 

All  this  must  be  said  with  surprise  and  urgency. 
Admetos :  Oh,  my  friends. 

Alceste  to  his  children — Oh,  my  children.  (They  run  up  to  them.) 
Chorus :  Heaven. 

(Admetos :  Our  sorrows  are  at  an  end.) 
Alceste  (to  the  children) :  At  last  I  see  you  again. 
Chorus :  Oh,  unexpected  happiness !  Oh,  eternal  power ! 
Admetos:  Disperse  the  clouds  of  sadness;  be  joyful  and  let  us  bless 
the  gods  for  their  subHme  goodness. 

Alceste  and  Admetos  sing  a  few  verses  together,  then  the  whole  chorus 
as  I  have  already  indicated.  Thereafter  only  a  chaconne  as  dance.  And 
that  is  the  end,  for,  after  having  heard  the  opera,  the  pubhc  could 
not  possibly  appreciate  anything  further.  People  wanted  to  hear  or  see 
nothing  after  Iphigenie,  and  this  is  something  quite  different!  I 
myself  become  almost  mad  when  I  go  through  it  all.  One's  nerves 
are  strained  for  too  long  a  time  and  one's  attention  is  held  from  the 
first  word  to  the  last.  This  opera  is  a  cask  of  frozen  wine,  the  spirit 
of  which  has  withdrawn  to  the  centre ;  it  is  truly  exquisite  but  with 
too  much  body  to  be  drunk  in  any  quantity.  I  pity  the  poet  and  the 
musician  who  tried  to  create  a  second  opera  of  the  same  kind ! 

The  first  act  only  lasts  forty  minutes,  the  third,  up  to  the  arrival 
of  Apollo,  twenty  minutes,  so  Alceste  will  never  be  a  winter  opera. 
I  am  well  content  with  this.  We  wiU  give  it  soon  after  my  arrival, 
otherwise,  if  I  had  to  wait  longer,  I  would  go  mad.  For  a  month  now 
it  has  given  me  no  sleep;  my  wife  is  in  despair;  it  seems  to  me  that  I 
have  a  hive  of  bees  constantly  buzzing  in  my  head.  Beheve  me,  these 
types  of  opera  are  very  vicious ;  I  am  now  begimiing  to  understand 
the  shrewdness  of  Quinault^  and  Calzabigi  in  filling  their  works  with 
secondary  characters,  thus  enabhng  the  spectator  to  relax.  Such  an 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  6j 

Opera  is  not  enjoyable  entertainment  but  a  very  serious  occupation 
for  anyone  who  hears  it. 

As  soon  as  you  hear  any  news,  you  will  pass  it  on.  In  doing 
Iphigenie  en  Tauride,  be  guided,  by  my  observations.  Do  not  press 
anyone  else  to  write  operas  for  me,  for  I  have  aheady  decided  on  my 
third,  which  I  will  bring  with  me  to  Paris.  I  will  not  tell  you  the 
subject  yet,  because  you  inight  dissuade  me.  I  feel  that  you  have  too 
much  power  over  my  mind  and  I  will  only  tell  you  the  subject  when 
I  am  too  far  advanced  to  be  able  to  turn  back.  I  believe  ..." 

^  Francois  Louis  Gaud  Leblond  Bailli  du  Roullet  was  born  in 
Norman ville  (Eure)  in  171 6.  He  became  an  officer  in  the  Guards  and  later  a 
Commander  of  the  Order  of  Malta.  His  main  works  were  the  libretti  of 
Iphigenie  en  Aulide  and  Alceste.  Du  Roullet  also  wrote  a  five-act  comedy  in 
verse,  Les  effets  du  caractere,  which  was  produced  in  the  Theatre  Fran^ais  on 
5th  January  1752.  His  Lettres  sur  les  drames-operas  was  published  in  1776 
and,  in  collaboration  with  Baron  Tschudy,  he  wrote  the  libretto  for  Salieri's 
Danaides  (Paris,  1789).  For  a  time  he  was  an  attache  at  the  Embassy  in 
Vienna.  He  died  in  1786  in  Paris. 

2  The  plan  for  an  opera  entitled  Rewarded  Loyalty  did  not  come  to  fruition. 
^  Michel  Paul  Gui  de  Chabanon  was  bom  in  1730  on  the  island  of 
San  Domingo.  He  was  a  mediocre  poet,  a  highly  reputable  scholar  and  a 
clever  musician.  As  a  scholar  he  wrote  a  number  of  good  studies  on  Greek 
poetry.  Several  of  his  tragedies  were  presented  and  in  the  'Concerto  des 
Amateurs',  which  was  conducted  by  the  Chevalier  de  Saint-Georges,  he 
played  the  violin. 

*  Jean  FRANgois  Marmontel  was  bom  in  Bort  in  the  Limousin  province 
on  nth  July  1723.  In  1763  he  became  a  member  of  the  Academy  in  Paris 
and  in  1783  its  permanent  Secretary.  In  the  dispute  between  the  Piccinnists 
and  the  Gluckists  he  sided  with  Piccinni  and  wrote  2tXi.Essai  sur  les  revolutions 
de  la  musique  en  France  (1777).  Marmontel,  who  also  w^rote  several  libretti 
for  Piccinni  and  Gretry,  died  at  Abbeville  on  31st  December  1799. 
^  Remond  de  Saint-Mard  was  bom  in  Paris  in  1682.  He  became  known 
through  his  Reflexions  sur  VOpera  (The  Hague,  1741).  He  died  in  Paris  in 

1757- 

^  Philippe  Quinault  was  bom  in  Paris  in  1635.  He  was  Lully's  librettist 
and  was  one  of  the  few  men  of  his  time  who  realized  that  a  good  opera  libretto 
must  also  be  good  poetry.  He  died  on  26th  November  1688  (cf.  F.  Linde- 
mann:  Die  Operntexte  Ph.  Quinaults.  1904) 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  3  ist  July  1775 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  understand  from  his  letter  that  Mr  Peters  considers  my  Siege  de 
Cythere  an  incomplete  work,  as  I  had  explained  to  him  before  that 


68  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

my  piece  ends  with  the  last  chorus.  A  ballet  which  Mr  Berton  wishes 
to  perform  is,  whatever  one  may  call  it,  for  me  an  hors  d'oeuvre, 
and  it  seems  to  me  as  if  my  piece  were  too  short  and  an  act  by  another 
composer  had  been  added  to  make  up  the  required  time.  This  would 
mean  that  my  opera  was  no  longer  an  incomplete  work !  Mr  Peters 
may,  with  regard  to  Marchand,  be  right  to  complain  of  Iphigenie, 
but  where  the  Siege  de  Cythere  is  concerned  he  is  wrong,  because 
the  Academy  paid  me  for  it  as  a  completed  work.  I  will  tell  you 
something  more:  in  future  I  will  have  no  more  ballet  airs  in  my 
operas  apart  from  those  which  occur  during  the  action  of  the  opera, 
and,  if  people  should  be  dissatisfied  with  this,  thenlwiU  do  no  more 
operas,  for  I  will  not  let  myself  be  reproached  in  aU  journals  that 
my  ballets  are  weak,  mediocre,  etc.,  and  so  the  scoundrels  shall  hear 
no  more  by  me  and  my  operas  will  always  end  with  dialogue. 

Concerning  Marchand,  please  have  the  goodness  to  explain  the 
whole  affair  to  Mr  Bailly  du  RouUet.  He  wiU  make  him  see  reason.  I 
have  advised  him  that  you  will  speak  with  him.  I  beg  you  also  to 
pass  a  message  from  us  to  Mr  [Joseph]  Kohaut  and  teU  him  that  his 
brother  [Karl]^  called  on  me,  that  I  found  him  extremely  well- 
disposed  and  that  I  do  not  doubt  that  his  affairs  will  be  concluded 
very  soon.  I  expect  another  visit  from  him,  which  he  has  promised  to 
make. 

One  more  commission :  my  Nanette  has  lost  the  roll  of  Indian 
cloth  and  I  wish  to  have  another  sent  for  her.  As  it  is  a  small  parcel, 
could  it  not,  with  your  intervention  and  that  of  Herr  von  Blumen- 
dorff,  be  sent  here  by  courier  ?  Or  must  I  inconvenience  H.E.  the 
Count  ?  Let  me  know  what  can  be  done.  My  women-folk  send  you 
and  Herr  von  Blumendorff  a  thousand  compliments,  in  which  I 
join  and  remain  ever 

Your  most  esteemed  friend 
and  most  humble  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 
[Address :] 

To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Gruthoffre 

Chez  son  E.  Mr :  L' Ambassadeur 

Le  Comte  de  Mercy 
a 
Paris 

^  Karl  Ignaz  Augustin  Kohaut,  the  brother  of  Joseph  Kohaut,  was 
bom  in  Vienna  in  1726  and  was  the  last  of  the  well-known  Old  Vienna 


FRIEDRICH    GOTTLIEB    KLOPSTOCK 

Engraving  by  Geyer  front  the  portrait  by  Jticl  {1780) 


i5*«v* 


LETTER  FROM  GLUCK  AND  MARIANNE  PIRKER  TO  CARL  PIRKER, 
DATED  COPENHAGEN,    JANUARY    1  749 

Vrom  the  JViirttcnibcrgischcs  Staatsarchiv ,  Stiitt<^art 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  69 

lute-players.  He  was  a  secretary  in  the  Court  and  State  Chancery  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  Vienna.  He  died  in  his  native  city  on  6th  August  1782. 

Presumably  Kruthoffer  had  enclosed  with  his  letter  to  Gluck  the  following 
letter  from  the  publisher  Antoine  de  Peters : 


[Antoine  de  Peters  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

[Paris]  19th  July  1775 
Monsieur, 

Attached  is  a  letter  which  I  beg  you  to  despatch  by  courier  to  Mr  de  Birken- 
stock.^  You  would  also  oblige  me  if  you  added  his  rank  to  the  address.  I  cannot 
for  the  moment  remember  it.  I  confess  that  I  have  much  trouble  on  my  hands  and 
that  I  am  tired  of  all  the  misfortunes  and  unpleasantness  which  I  am  suffering  over 
the  Siege  de  Cythere.  After  much  difficulty  and  many  requests  I  finally  succeeded 
in  obtaining  the  piece.  I  sent  M.  Meryglev^  to  the  shop  to  make  the  correction[s] 
on  the  engraving  either  in  the  form  of  alterations  or  to  carry  out  a  general  in- 
spection of  the  score.  There  was  such  confusion  that  I  was  obliged  to  have  recourse 
to  the  copista  of  the  opera,  who  assures  me  I  will  need  five  or  ten  days  to  examine 
this  score  note  by  note.  This  will  cost  me  another  couple  of  louis.  I  assure  you  that 
I  am  tired  of  spending  money  from  my  owti  pocket,  and  all  this  is  due  to  the 
obstinacy  of  M.  Berton,  who  has  completed  his  engraving,  and  the  divertissements 
are  given  to  M.  Le  Marchand.  Judge  what  effect  this  will  have  on  the  public. 
How  many  reproaches  there  will  be  from  this  side  and  that  to  the  effect  that  this 
work  is  not  complete,  that  it  is  too  dear  at  21'',  assuming  that  the  ballet  airs  are  not 
included,  and  I  do  not  know  what  to  reply:  that.  Monsieur,  is  my  situation,  which, 
I  believe,  you  cannot  fmd  very  agreeable.  I  hope  we  shall  have  the  pleasure  of 
entertaining  you.  Until  then,  I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  perfectly 
Monsieur 
Your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant 
A.  de  Peters. 

^Johann  Melchior  Edler  von  Birkenstock  (bom  nth  May  1738  at 
Heiligenbach/Eichsfeld,  died  30th  October  1809  in  Vienna)  was  a  member  of 
the  Royal  Prussian  Academy  of  Arts  in  Berlin  and  an  active  teacher.  He 
held  the  office  of  Court  Secretary  and  belonged  to  the  Committee  of 
Book  Censors.  His  valuable  library  was  sold  by  auction  in  1813 . 
2  Nothing  further  is  known  of  M.  Meryglev. 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  Roullet.  French] 

Vienna,  14th  October  1775 

I  am  deeply  grateful  to  Madame  de  la  Menardi^re^  and  to  you 
for  the  interest  you  both  took  in  my  iUness  and  in  my  recovery;  I 
shall  never  forget  as  long  as  I  live  the  debt  I  owe  you  for  the  friend- 
ship you  show  me  and  for  the  interest  you  displayed  in  aU  that 
concerns  me.  My  wife  also  sends  her  thanks  and  her  compliments 

C.G.-F 


70  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

to  you  both.  She  is  in  reasonably  good  health,  although  she  did  not 
have  a  moment  of  relaxation  during  my  illness  and  suffered  ahnost  as 
much  through  my  iUness  as  I  did.  She  had  kept  all  the  letters  you 
had  written  me  and  gave  them  to  me  all  together  when  I  recovered. 
So  I  should  have  many  things  to  write  to  you  about,  but  I  am  not 
able  to  satisfy  you,  for  I  am  still  very  weak.  I  will  therefore  answer 
only  the  most  essential  points.  I  shall  only  be  able  to  leave  here 
towards  the  end  of  March  or  the  beginning  of  April,  for,  if  I  were 
to  leave  during  the  winter,  I  would  inevitably  catch  once  again  the 
cold  which  I  am  now  quit  of.  This  will  not  prevent  us  from  giving 
Alceste  after  Easter,  for  as  I  progress  with  the  work  I  will  send  it  to  be 
copied  and  distribute  the  various  parts.  Thus  on  my  arrival  I  will  be 
able  to  start  with  rehearsals  and  in  fifteen  days  I  will  be  able  to  teach 
all  the  cast  their  parts.  The  Siege  de  Cythere  could  be  presented 
during  the  summer.  The  Buffon  opera  is,  in  my  view,  too  mediocre, 
and  I  think  that  it  could  only  be  presented  on  Thursdays  during  the 
winter.  I  agree  that  the  poetry  is  very  weak,  but  the  music  is 
amusing  and  has  an  originality  which  should  produce  more  effect 
than  the  execrable  fragments  which  are  invariably  performed.  Mr 
Ghibert's  act,  which  you  advise  me  to  compose,  makes  good  reading 
but,  as  regards  setting  it  to  music,  I  fmd  it  the  most  unpleasant  thing 
in  the  world.  To  begin  with,  the  choruses  and  the  dance  are  per- 
formed by  young  students,  whom  we  do  not  have,  and  the  leading 
characters  do  not  have  the  same  effect.  Alexander  is  always  on  the 
stage  and  is  the  most  foolish  character  in  the  world.  In  Noverre's^ 
ballet  he  was  absent  and  he  appeared  most  appropriately  to  surprise 
the  two  lovers.  This  was  effective.  Here  Alexander  and  his  officers 
are  mere  supernumeraries.  Campaspe  has  only  a  romance  to  sing 
at  the  end,  so  you  see  the  poverty  of  the  piece  as  a  whole,  which  will 
never  be  able  to  produce  a  major  effect.  As  for  Armide  I  visualize  a 
new  method,  for  I  am  not  going  to  remove  one  verse  from  Quinault's 
opera.  But  in  many  scenes  one  must  be  able  to  trot  or,  to  put  it  still 
better,  gallop  with  the  music  in  order  to  conceal  the  coldness  and 
ennui  contained  in  the  piety  which  fill  the  soul,  and  when  I  study  the 
fifth  act  I  have  to  weep  despite  myself,  so  realistic  and  tender  is  the 
situation.  If  my  plans  are  successful,  your  old-style  music  is  destroyed 
for  ever;  but  at  the  same  time  I  am  determined  to  do  nothing  more, 
for  either  I  would  have  a  breakdown  or  I  would  go  mad.  My  nerves 
are  too  sensitive  not  to  give  way  in  the  end. 

Now  I  reply  to  the  proposal  made  by  you  and  our  dear  friend  the 
Abbe  Arnaud  that  I  should  settle  in  France.  In  the  first  place,  I  could 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  71 

not  leave  the  service  here,  although  I  can  do  nothing  without  the 
consent  of  the  Queen,  otherwise  I  would  be  regarded  everywhere  as 
immoderate.  Secondly,  I  would  not  hke  to  be  in  France  when  the 
change  of  administration  takes  place,  because  I  would  not  wish  to  be 
suspected  of  having  intrigued  for  a  post  and  of  having  been  the  cause 
of  those  at  present  employed  losing  their  employment  and  myself 
obtaining  it.  Thirdly,  as  I  feel  that  I  am  no  longer  strong  enough  to 
write  operas,  I  could  not  contribute  to  the  perfection  of  music  in 
France  and  to  the  success  of  the  new  administration  except  by  work- 
ing with  Gossec^  or  all  those  who  have  musical  talents,  as  Mr  La- 
borde^  [sic]  and  Mr  Berton  are  doing  at  present.  This  would 
enable  many  musicians  to  use  their  minds  and  their  talents  and  would 
produce  good  composers  of  opera  more  rapidly  than  if  I  alone  com- 
posed my  operas.  I  beg  you  to  pass  on  my  observations  to  Mr 
I'Abbe  Arnaud,  for  he  is  so  close  a  friend  and  always  represents  my 
interests  with  so  much  warmth  that  it  would  be  wrong  of  me  to  hide 
my  ideas  from  him,  and  besides  he  will  give  me  nothing  but  good 
advice.  Tell  him  that  his  friendship  is  still  very  precious  to  me,  that 
my  wife  and  my  daughter  send  him  a  thousand  comphments,  and 
that  I  beg  him  to  arrange  for  Mr  du  Plaissi  [Duplessis]  to  send  me 
my  portrait  which  we  here  are  curious  to  see.  I  have  nothing  to  say 
in  reply  to  his  letter,  except  that  I  thank  him  for  all  the  feelings  of 
friendship  which  he  has  for  me  and  that  I  love  him  with  all  my  heart 
and  that  I  look  forward  to  the  time  when  I  v^ll  be  able  once  again  to 
chat  with  him.  I  beg  you  also  to  give  my  thanks  to  all  those  who  have 
taken  an  interest  in  my  illness,  principally  M.  Durancy.^  I  am  stiU  too 
weak  to  reply  myself  to  aU  my  friends.  As  to  yourself  I  say  nothing, 
for  I  feel  that  any  words  I  might  use  could  not  convey  the  feelings 
with  which  I  am  imbued  towards  you. 
PS.  Do  not  forget  the  air  from  Alceste  at  the  end  of  the  second  act. 

^  Of  Madame  de  la  Menardiere  and  Monsieur  Ghibert  nothing  is 
known. 

^Jean  Georges  Noverre  was  born  in  Paris  on  29th  April  1727.  After 
appearing  as  a  dancer  in  Paris  at  the  early  age  of  sixteen,  he  went  to  Berlin 
ia  1748  as  a  solo  dancer,  starred  in  Dresden  in  1749,  then  became  Ballet 
Master  at  the  Opera  Comique  in  Paris.  He  held  the  same  position  in  London, 
Lyons,  Stuttgart,  Vienna  and  Milan  and  fmally,  from  1 776-1 780,  at  the 
Opera  House  in  Paris.  Noverre  was  the  first  to  introduce  dramatic  action  into 
pantomime  ballet  and  made  an  important  contribution  to  the  development  of 
the  art  of  choreography.  He  put  forward  his  ideas  in  his  Lettres  sur  la  Danse 
et  sur  les  Ballets  (1760)  [cf.  H.  Abert:  'Noverre  und  sein  Einfluss  auf  die 
dramatische  Ballettkomposition'.  Jö/zr^wc/j,  (Peters),  Leipzig  1908]. 


72  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

^  Francois  Joseph  Gossec  was  born  in  Vergnies  in  Hennegau  on  17th 
January  1734.  In  1751  he  went  to  Paris,  where  Rameau  obtained  for  him  a 
conductor's  post  with  the  orchestra  of  the  Intendant-General  La  Poupliniere. 
After  his  death  he  went  in  the  same  capacity  to  Prince  Conti  in  Chantilly.  In 
1770  he  founded  the  famous  'Concerto  des  Amateurs'  and  in  1773  he 
reorganized  the  'Concerts  spirituels',  which  he  directed,  alone  and  in 
collaboration  with  others,  until  1779.  From  1780  to  1782  he  was  Deputy 
Director  of  the  Opera  House  and  remained  a  member  of  the  Directorate 
until  1784,  when  he  was  made  Director  and  Administrator  of  the  'Ecole 
royale  du  chant'.  In  1795  when  tliis  school  was  expanded  to  become  the 
'Conservatoire  de  Musique',  he  was  given  a  post  as  Inspector  and  at  the  same 
time  became  a  member  of  the  newly-founded  Academy.  Gossec,  who  com- 
posed a  number  of  vocal  and  instrumental  works,  ranks  as  one  of  the  out- 
standing French  operatic  composers.  From  1815  onwards  he  lived  in  retire- 
ment at  Passy  near  Paris,  where  he  died  on  i6th  February  1829  [cf.  F. 
Hellouin:  Gossec  et  la  musique frangaise  ä  la  fin  du  XVIIP  siede,  1903]. 
^  Jean  Benjamin  de  Laborde  was  bom  in  Paris  on  5th  September  1734. 
He  was  a  pupil  of  Dauvergne  and  Rameau.  He  became  a  Chamberlain  to 
Louis  XV  and  later  Intendant-General.  He  wrote  several  comic  operas  and 
an  Essai  sur  la  musique  ancienne  et  moderne  (1780),  which  is  one  of  the  best  of 
the  older  histories  of  music.  On  22nd  July  1794  he  was  guillotined  in  Paris. 
^  Mile  DuRANCY  (Magdeline-Celiste  Fieuzal  de  Frossac)  was  born  in 
Paris  2ist  May  1746.  She  was  a  member  of  the  Paris  Opera.  We  are  told  that 
'Mademoiselle  Durancy  supplee  surtout  dans  la  scene,  pour  laquelle  eile  a 
une  veritable  intelligence'  [O.  Uzaime:  Les  moeurs  secretes  du  XVIIF  siecle. 
Paris,  1883,  p.  192.]  She  died  28th  December  1780. 


[Statement  by  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Account  with  M.  le  Chevalier  Gluck 
Receipts  [livres]^ 

Received  from  M.  le  Ch.  Gluck —  48. — .— 
Received  from  M.  de  Peters —    2000. — .— 


Expenditure 

[livres 

1774  to  M.  Diedenlieffer- 

-48.-' 

27  Nov.  for  transport 

of  a  trunk,  a  case  and 

a  basket  from  Le  Petit 

Luxembourg  to — St. — 

4.18 

1775 

March 

10.   transporting  plates 

oflphigenie  from 

M.  Marchand's  to 

M.  Gluck's— 

4.12 

14.   to  M.  Eberts  a  bill— 

258.10, 

30.   desp.  of  a  case  with 

two  portraits  of 

M.  Datez.  Postage — 

9.16, 

Letter  postage — 

10. — . 

of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  73 

April 

25     Postage  of  a 

letter  from  M. 

le  Ch.  Gluck —  i  .10. — 
April 
ID    postage  of  a 

letter  from  M. 

leCh.  Gluck —  i.  4. — 
15     Postage  of  a 

letter —  i.  5. — 
4.10. — 
—    La  Lanteme 

Magique  Critique 

duSallon.2 —  i-  4. — 
Nov. 
5     toM.  Rilliot^ —         1721. — . — 


2048. — . — 
Total      2048. — . — . 

Made  this  loth  November  1775 
Kr[uthofFer] 

^  The  account  is  made  out  in.  livres  (i  livre=20  sous).  One  livre  would  be 
worth  about  one  shilling  and  tenpence  today. 

2  The  publication  referred  to  is  a  pamphlet,  La  Lanteme  Magique  aux  Champs- 
Elysees  ou  I'  Entretien  des  grands  peintres  sur  le  Sallon  de  1775  (o.O.u.I.)  8°. 
There  is  a  copy  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris. 
^  M.  RiLLiET,  a  Parisian  banker. 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  Roullet.  French] 
To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  le  Bailly  du  Roullet, 
rue  de  melee  ä  Paris. 

Vienna,  22nd  November  1775 
My  very  dear  friend.  It  gives  me  infinite  pleasure  to  hear  from  you 
that  you  sympathize  with  me,  but  if  it  prejudices  your  health  I  v^ish 
you  to  love  me  a  little  less ;  for  nothing  is  more  precious  than  your 
health,  and  I  am  very  relieved  not  to  have  had  your  illness,  for  that 
would  have  affected  me  too  strongly.  I  hope  that  with  your  syrup  we 
shall  laugh  in  future  at  all  the  illnesses  that  threaten  us.  I  am  also  very 
reheved  that  you  have  not  abandoned  work  on  your  Iphigenie.  It 
would  have  been  too  great  a  loss  to  be  deprived  of  a  poem  written 
by  someone  so  full  of  knowledge  of  the  theatre,  of  genius  and  of 
taste.  As  for  your  Alceste,  I  shall  only  be  in  a  position  to  say  which 
of  the  two  denouements  I  shall  choose  when  I  have  fmished  the 


74  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

accompaniments  of  all  three  acts,  when  I  will  be  able  to  judge  how 
everything  links  up  and  runs  together.  In  the  meantime  I  can  tell  you 
that  the  poetry  seems  to  me  very  good.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  send  you 
by  the  courier  for  the  month  of  January  both  the  music  and  the  poem, 
so  that  you  could  then  have  them  copied  and  extract  the  parts  for  the 
orchestra  and  for  the  singers. 

As  to  Armide,  I  will  only  decide  upon  the  music  in  Paris,  for  I  wish 
to  consult  with  you  beforehand  whether  we  leave  the  poem  as  it  is 
or  whether  we  make  cuts.  I  hope  soon  to  receive  the  end  of  the 
second  act  oiAlceste  with  the  other  alterations  already  included.  For 
the  rest,  I  think  it  will  be  difficult  to  settle  in  Paris,  for  there  will  be 
many  obstacles  to  be  overcome  if  the  project  is  to  succeed.  Since  I 
returned  to  Vienna,  I  have  tried  to  sell  my  garden  but  up  to  the 
present  I  have  found  no  one  who  is  willing  to  bite ;  things  never  go 
as  one  wishes.^  Marchand  has  written  and  begged  me  to  grant  him  a 
deferment  of  his  debt  and  I  have  agreed,  so  I  beg  you  not  to  im- 
portune him  for  the  present.  As  regards  my  journey,  I  shall  take 
counsel  with  My  Lady  Moon  and  I  beHeve  that  she  will  not  stand 
in  the  way  of  my  arriving  in  Paris  towards  the  middle  of  the  month 
of  March,  which  would  give  sufficient  time  to  present  Alceste  after 
Easter.  I  beg  you  to  give  my  most  tender  regards  to  Madame  de  la 
Menardiere  and  to  tell  her  that  we  rejoice  with  all  our  hearts  that  she 
is  restored  to  health.  My  wife  and  my  daughter  always  have  tears 
in  their  eyes,  when  I  read  you  letters  to  them.  They  send  you  a 
thousand  compliments  and  sing  your  praises  as  if  you  were  their  most 
cherished  lover.  Do  not  forget,  I  pray  you,  to  give  my  respects  to 
Mr  L'Abbe  Arnaud  and  to  Mile  Rosahe  [Levasseur]  and  all  the 
company  round  the  table.  I  think  it  will  be  necessary  to  warn  Mr 
Berton  that  we  reckon  to  give  Alceste  after  Easter.  Since  you  do  not 
wish  compliments,  I  say  nothing,  save  that  I  am  ever  yours. 

^  The  garden  in  question  was  doubtless  a  part  of  Gluck's  property  on  the 
Rennweg,  which  he  had  purchased  in  1768  from  Freiherr  von  Sander  and 
wlaich  he  appears  to  have  given  in  (part?)  exchange  for  a  country  house  in 
Perchtholdsdorf  in  1781  [cf  K.  Kobald:  Altwiener  Musikstätten,  1919]. 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Rephed  from  Paris  on  15th  Dec.  1775] 

Vienna,  29th  November  1775 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  am  deeply  obliged  to  you  for  sending  the  brochures  and  the 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  75 

criticism  of  the  Siege  de  Cythere,  which  seems  to  me  witty  and  has 
my  approval.  I  also  duly  received  the  bill  of  exchange  and  am  also 
obliged  to  you  for  this ;  with  the  next  courier  I  shall  send  something 
o£  Alceste,  because  I  propose  to  produce  this  opera  after  Easter,  so 
you  can  sound  Mr  Peters — to  whom  I  send  my  respects — whether 
he  feels  incHned  to  undertake  it,  because,  on  account  of  his  honesty, 
I  would  prefer  liim  to  any  other.  I  hope  that  by  the  middle  of  next 
March  at  the  latest  I  shall  be  able  to  embrace  you  and  also  Herr  von 
BlumendorfF.  Meanwhile,  my  wife,  niece  and  I  send  our  regards 
and  I  remain  as  ever 

Most  esteemed  friend 

Your  most  devoted  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 
[Address :] 

A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
a 

Paris 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  Roullet.  French] 

Vienna  2nd  December  1775 
I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  news  you  give  me,  which 
greatly  amuses  me,  in  particular  that  I  will  prevent  you  from  pro- 
ducing Iphiginie  if  Mr  P  Arrive^  does  not  play  in  it.  When  will  you 
abandon  your  scruples  concerning  Alceste  ?  Would  you  become  pale 
and  thin  as  at  the  time  when  we  gave  Iphiginie  ?  I  wül  certainly  not 
tolerate  it  and  I  am  resolved  to  cure  you  for  ever  on  this  point. 
Firstly,  you  write  for  the  lyrical  theatre  and  not  a  tragedy  for 
the  comedians.  This  changes  infmitely  one's  manner  of  approach. 
Though  excellent  masters  in  the  making  of  tragedies,  neither  Racine^ 
nor  Voltaire^  has  ever  been  able  to  make  an  opera,  and  no  one  has 
measured  up  to  this  task  as  well  as  you.  It  is  sometimes  necessary  to 
laugh  at  rules  and  to  make  one's  own  rules  in  order  to  produce  good 
effects.  The  old  Greeks  were  men  like  us  with  a  nose  and  a  pair  of 
eyes.  One  must  not  always  be  servile  pecus  and  submit  to  their  rules 
but,  on  the  contrary,  one  must  break  with  their  habits,  sever  the 
chains  with  which  they  wish  to  bind  us,  and  try  to  become  original 
in  our  own  right.  Those  persons  who  wept  and  who  found  the 
denouement  bad,  when  you  read  them  your  work,  are  sensitive,  have  a 


76  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

sound  instinct,  judge  with  their  souls,  that  I  agree,  but  are  they 
infallible  ?  My  wife  and  I  also  wept  when  you  read  us  your  work,  and, 
with  all  that,  when  I  grasped  the  thing  in  its  entirety,  I  found  many 
places  which  were  not  in  keeping  with  the  musical  effect,  but  you 
mock  me  when  you  say  that  the  third  act  belongs  to  me ;  you  must 
think  me  very  foolish  or  very  vain.  Do  you  believe  that  if  one  gave 
fifty  pictures  to  a  man,  arranged  according  to  his  taste,  he  could,  by 
arranging  them  a  little  differently,  imagine  that  he  had  painted  them  ? 
The  injustice  you  do  to  yourself  makes  me  angry  and  I  will  make  you 
angry  in  your  turn  by  praising  my  denouement  and  criticizing  yours. 
According  to  your  denouement,  the  opera  with  the  chorus  who,  nota 
bene,  are  actors  and  very  interesting  in  the  piece  with  the  other 
characters — so  it  begins  with  pomp  and  some  grandeur — ^your  chorus 
are  always  active  and  the  piece  revolves  very  much  around  them  in 
the  first  two  acts,  for  they  do  not  wish  to  lose  so  perfect  a  King  and  a 
Queen ;  now  to  the  third  act,  where  the  chorus  who  took  so  much 
interest  in  preserving  their  sovereigns  are  seen  no  more  and  are  quite 
forgotten.  I  say  that  the  piece  cannot  finish  before  these  poor  people 
have  been  consoled.  It  is  useless  to  tell  me  that  Apollo  brings  them 
back;  this  seems  to  me  an  hors  d'oeuvre  and  one  that  is  dragged  in  by 
the  hair.  Moreover,  Apollo  must  play  the  sorcerer,  for,  when  he 
changes  the  scene  in  the  wood  into  a  magnificent  setting,  another 
magic  word  is  needed  to  transport  the  people  there,  who  suddenly 
sing  their  chorus  without  being  prepared  gradually  for  their  happi- 
ness. In  my  denouement  everything  is  prepared  naturally,  without  any 
need  to  have  recourse  to  miracles,  and  the  piece  finishes  with  the 
same  pomp  and  grandeur  but  without  the  help  of  any  ahen  spirit 
or  artistry,  as  it  had  begun.  It  is  not  on  account  of  the  music  that  I 
hold  to  this,  for  the  music  here  is  of  Httle  consequence  and  very  short, 
but  because,  in  reading  and  re-reading  the  opera,  I  have  never  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  myself  that  it  progresses  naturally  and  that  it 
can  produce  any  effect.  If  all  this  still  does  not  reassure  you,  I  will 
convince  you  or  you  will  convince  me  otherwise  when  I  arrive  in 
Paris.  I  beg  you  to  continue  writing  to  me  on  many  things  even  if  I 
do  not  reply,  for  I  must  work  at  present  if  I  am  to  send  you  the  first 
and  second  acts  by  the  courier  who  leaves  on  the  first  of  January 
next.  You  write  that  Mile  Rosahe  [Levasseur]  wishes  to  leave,  in 
another  letter  Mile  la  Guerre^  also.  With  whom  is  one  to  present 
operas  ?  I  foresee  that  Alceste  will  be  the  last  opera  I  wiU  be  able  to 
give,  for  without  troops  one  cannot  fight  battles.  My  wife,  the  httle 
one  and  I  send  our  compliments  to  Madame  la  Menardiere,  to  you, 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  77 

and  to  Mr  l'Abbe.  Adieu,  my  admirable  friend,  I  embrace  you  widi 
all  my  heart. 

^  Henri  l'Arrive  was  born  in  Lyons  on  8th  September  1733.  Reber,  the 
well-known  Director  of  the  Opera  House,  discovered  his  excellent  bass  voice 
and  took  him  into  the  Opera  chorus.  From  1755-1786  he  was  a  prominent 
solo  member  of  the  Paris  Opera  and  was  particularly  successful  in  Gluck's 
operas.  He  retired  to  Vincennes,  where  he  died  on  7th  August  1802. 
2  Jean  Racine  was  born  in  La  Ferte-Milon  near  Valois  on  21st  December 
1639.  He  was  the  leading  French  dramatist.  He  died  in  Paris  on  22nd  April 
1699. 

^  Francois-Marie  Arouet  de  Voltaire,  the  most  influential  French- 
man of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  bom  in  Paris  on  21st  November  1694. 
After  an  adventurous  youth,  he  lived  from  1734  to  1749  at  Chateau  Cirey. 
In  1746  he  became  a  member  of  the  Academy.  From  1750  to  1752  he  was  at 
the  Court  of  Frederick  the  Great.  In  1758  he  retired  to  Femey  near  Geneva. 
He  died  in  Paris  on  30th  May  1778. 

*  Marie  Josephine  de  Laguerre  was  born  in  Paris  in  1755.  In  1774  she 
joined  the  Paris  Opera  as  a  member  of  the  chorus.  Two  years  later  she  made 
her  d^but  in  Laborde's  Adele  de  Panthieu.  In  the  same  year  she  sang  with 
brilliant  success  in  Gluck's  Alceste.  After  the  departure  of  Sophie  Amould 
(1778),  she  and  Rosalie  Levasseur  sang  all  the  leading  roles.  As  a  result  of 
dissolute  living  and  dipsomania,  she  met  an  early  death  on  14th  February 
1783  in  Paris. 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  Roullet.  French] 
To  Monsieur  le  Baily  du  Rouillet, 
Rue  Melee  ä  Paris 

Vienna,  ißth  December  1775 
I  have  given  much  thought  to  Mr  Berton's  remarks  and,  looking 
at  things  closely,  I  believe  that  I  will  not  be  able  to  produce  any 
other  piece  next  year  apart  from  Alceste,  because,  having  been  ill  for 
four  months,  I  lost  much  working  time  and  until  I  leave  I  shall  have 
to  occupy  myself  solely  with  Alceste,  which  requires  infmite  care. 
Moreover,  Armide  is  so  full  of  actors  and  actresses  that  I  do  not  know 
where  we  shall  fmd  them;  for  the  part  of  Armide  we  should  have 
either  Rosahe  [Levasseur]  or  la  Guerre  [sic],  for  the  part  of  Amaud 
Mr  le  Gros,^  for  Hate  Mile  du  plan^  or  Durancy,  Mr  Gelin^  as 
the  aged  kinsman  of  Armide,  but  the  other  characters  are  so  heavy 
and  the  pubHc  so  touchy  that  I  do  not  know  to  whom  they  should  be 
given.  Nor  could  I  risk  the  opera  huffa,^  for  that  would  require  at  least  ten 
actors  and  actresses,  amongst  whom  I  would  need  Mr  le  Gros  and  VArivee, 
otherwise  I  would  give  the  critics  the  most  delightful  opportunity  to  hand 


78  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

together  against  me  as  they  did  for  the  'Siege  de  Cythere\  where  they 
treated  me  like  a  small  schoolboy  without  having  a  single  word  to  say  in 
my  defence,  and  I  decided  to  get  as  far  away  from  their  claws  as  possible. 
As  I  do  not  live  in  Paris,  all  these  writings  damage  my  reputation  in 
Germany  and  Italy,  for  here  everything  is  taken  literally,  whether  for  or 
against  an  author.  So  at  the  same  time  as  I  am  killing  myself  to  try  to 
amuse  Messieurs  les  Francois,  they  seek  to  deprive  me  of  such  little 
reputation  as  I  had  acquired  before  coming  to  Paris. 

I  hope  to  send  you  (without  fail)  the  first  act  with  next  month's 
courier.  You  might  suggest  to  Mr  Berton  that,  if  Mr  I'Arrive 
wished  to  take  on  the  part  of  High  Priest,  he  would  surely  give  the 
pubhc  as  much  pleasure,  or  even  more,  as  in  the  part  of  Agamemnon, 
for  his  recitative  is  the  most  striking  piece  in  the  whole  opera,  and  its 
success  would  be  assured  when  I  had  communicated  to  him  my 
intentions ;  failing  him,  the  part  will  have  to  be  given  to  Mr  Gehn. 
Evandre  wiU  be  he  who  played  the  part  of  Olgar  in  the  Siege  de 
Cythere,^  and  the  chorus-leaders  Mile  Chateauneuf  ^  and  a  girl  who 
understudied  Rosalie  [Levasseur]  in  Iphigenie,''  who  has  a  nice  voice 
and  whose  name  I  do  not  remember,  but  I  beg  you  to  teU  MUe 
Rosalie  that  she  should  be  careful  only  to  learn  her  part  as  a  whole, 
because  she  cannot  possibly  appreciate  the  nuances  and  the  beginning 
without  me;  otherwise  both  she  and  I  would  fmd  it  infmitely  more 
difficult  to  correct  a  bad  habit  which  she  had  acquired  in  my  absence. 
The  choral  parts  wiU  have  to  be  allotted,  because  the  chorus  is  always 
in  action  and  must  know  its  parts  by  heart  like  the  Pater  Noster. 

Our  respects  to  Madame  de  la  Menardiere  and  to  you. 

^Joseph  Legros  was  bom  in  Monampteuil  near  Laon  on  yth  September 

1739.  In  1764  he  was  engaged,  by  the  Opera  House  in  Paris.  He  was  a  famous 

tenor  with  an  excellent  voice.  He  also  made  his  mark  as  a  composer.  In  1783 

he  retired  from  the  stage.  From  1777  to   1791  he  was  Director  of  the 

'Concerts  spirituels'.  He  died  in  La  Rochelle  on  20th  December  1793. 

2  Of  Mlle  Duplant  we  are  told:  'Les  roles  ä  Biguette  sont  toujours  rendus 

par  Mlle  Duplant  qui  fait  egalement  illusion  par  sa  vie,  sa  taille  et  sa  corpulence 

volumineuse'   [O.  Uzanne:  Les  mceurs  secretes  du  XVIIF  siede.  Paris,  1883, 

p.  192.] 

^  Nothing  further  is  known  of  Monsieur  Gelin. 

*  The  comic  opera  was  presumably  'La  rencontre  imprevue,  comidie  en  trois 

actes  melee  d'ariettes,  tiree  de  I'ancien  theatre  de  la  Foire  par  M.  Dancourt  [Florent 

Canton,  1661-1726],  comedien  de  leurs  Majestes.  La  Musique  est  de  Mr 

le  Chev.  de  Gluck.  Les  ballets  sont  de  la  composition  de  M.  [Gasparo] 

Angiolini  [1731-1803]'. 

According  to  Zinzendorf 's  diary,  it  was  first  produced  on  7th  January 
1764.  The  libretto  [Austrian  National  Library,  Vicrma,  128  F.377]  bears 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  79 

the  date  1763.  Between  1768  and  1774  Le  Marchand  published  from  it 

'Six  Ariettes  nouvellcs  avec  symphonie.  Tiree  de  la  Rencontre  imprevue 

tel  que  les  a  chante  a  Vicnne  Monsieur  Godard'.  The  work  was  first  produced 

in  Paris  on  ist  May  1790  at  the  Comedie  Italienne  under  the  title  Les  jeux 

de  Medine  oil  le  rencontre  imprevue. 

^  The  name  of  the  Tenor  who  sang  the  part  of  Olgar  is  not  known.  In 

Alceste  the  part  of  Evandre  was  sung  by  Tiret. 

^  Mademoiselle  de  Chateauneuf  had  sung  Carite  in   Cythere  assiegie 

{Siege  ofCythera). 

'  It  is  not  known  which  singer  Gluck  had  in  mind. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris  17  January  1776] 

Vienna,  31st  December  1775 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  am  deeply  obliged  to  you  for  the  very  pleasant  wishes  you  sent 
me  and  also  the  packets  all  of  which  I  duly  received.  I  must  trouble 
you  again  with  the  present  packet,  which  contains  the  two  acts  of 
Alceste,  and  the  enclosed  letters  for  forwarding.  As  regards  the  affair 
of  Mr  Peters,  to  whom  I  send  my  regards,  I  could  not  do  better 
than  leave  it  in  your  hands,  because  I  am  convinced  that  you  are  a 
true  friend  to  both  of  us.  So  I  place  my  whole  trust  in  you  to  deal 
with  this  business.  I  beg  you  to  kiss  Herr  v.  Blumendorff  on  my 
behalf;  my  old  lady  and  my  little  lady  both  send  you  their  kindest 
regards  and  wish  you  to  remember  them.  I  remain, 

Esteemed  friend, 

Ever  your  most  humble  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 


[To  Abbe  Arnaud.  French] 
To  Monsieur  I'Abbe  Arnaud  de  I'Academie  des  Quarantes  et  de 
Beaux  Arts  ä  Paris 

Vienna,  31st  January  1776 
Monsieur, 

I  am  much  obhged  to  you,  my  dear  friend,  for  the  perseverance 
you  show  in  all  that  concerns  me  and  for  your  friendship  towards 
me,  which  never  seems  to  falter,  but  you  can  at  least  be  sure  that 
my  esteem  for  you  and  your  knowledge  of  the  fine  arts  could  never 


8o  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

be  greater.  I  will  tell  you  in  a  few  words  that  I  had  conceived  several 
scenes  of  the  opera  Armide  when  I  fell  ill,  and  thereafter,  having  heard 
of  the  intrigues  which  had  grown  up  around  the  Siege  de  Cythere, 
I  stopped  working  on  it,  for  I  cannot  comprehend  the  animosity  of 
a  public  against  a  stranger  who  is  quite  ready  to  kiU  himself  in  order 
to  amuse  them  and  enhghten  them  on  many  things.  It  could  be  given 
as  it  is,  but  I  confess  that  it  is  very  weak  in  many  places  and  that  it 
would  be  more  effective  if  reduced  to  three  acts,  and  if  I  can  reduce 
the  choruses  and  the  actors  to  the  expression  and  the  action  I  have 
conceived,  you  have  a  terrible  work  after  which  another  would  be 
difficult  to  bear,  but  I  confess  that  I  am  not  satisfied  with  the 
denouement.  The  opera  wiU  resemble  a  beautiful  portrait,  the  hands 
of  which  are  crippled.  Mr  le  Baily  [du  RouUet]  rightly  says  that  the 
action  ends  with  the  death  of  Alceste,  but  Euripides,  who,  I  believe, 
also  knew  the  rules  of  the  theatre,  brought  in  Hercules  after  his 
[Alceste' s]  death  to  restore  her  to  Admetus,  in  this  way  avoiding 
stranghng  the  piece  by  dint  of  the  rules.  In  order  that  the  grief  of  the 
people  at  her  death  should  produce  its  effect,  there  must  be  a  place 
apart  from  that  in  which  the  catastrophe  has  taken  place,  for  the 
mihtary  music  is  only  effective  at  the  spot  appropriate  to  it;  that  is 
why  the  music  with  the  drum  is  not  suitable  for  the  church.  We  wiU 
decide  on  this  when  I  arrive  in  Paris;  I  shall  make  my  arrival  as  early 
as  the  season  permits.  In  the  meantime,  accept  my  humble  respects 
and  those  of  my  wife  and  my  niece,  who,  like  me,  are  enchanted  by 
you. 


[To  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock.  German] 
Most  highly  honoured  Sir, 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

A  friendship  which  shares  our  grief  gives  us  unhappy  mortals  our 
greatest  comfort.  I  know  that  I  will  have  this  comfort  from  you,  most 
esteemed  friend !  I  have  lost  my  Nanette.  Your  German  maiden  with 
the  good  and  noble  heart,  who  was  so  proud  of  your  good  opinion 
and  your  friendship,  is  no  more.  In  the  springtime  of  her  life  she 
withered  like  a  rose,  and  I  lose  with  her  all  the  joy  of  my  old  age. 
Oh,  how  deeply  I  feel  this  loss !  At  the  very  time  when  I  should  have 
reaped  the  harvest  of  a  happy  upbringing,  she  was  taken  from  me, 
taken  during  my  absence,  denying  me  the  last  awareness  of  her 
innocent  soul  before  it  departed  this  life.  How  barren,  how  lonely  I 
shall  be  from  now  on !  She  was  my  sole  hope,  my  consolation  and  the 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  8i 

life  and  soul  of  all  my  work.  Music,  which  otherwise  is  the  occupation 
nearest  to  my  heart,  has  now  lost  all  attraction  for  me;  or  should  it 
ever  mitigate  my  sorrow,  then  it  must  be  dedicated  to  the  memory  of 
this  beloved  creature.  Is  it  asking'^too  much  of  your  friendship  to  wish 
to  move  your  sensitive  soul  with  my  loss,  to  hope  that  your  subhme 
Muse  will  stoop  to  strew  a  few  flowers  on  the  ashes  of  my  beloved 
niece?  With  what  dehght  I  would  exploit  this  great  consolation! 
Fired  by  your  genius  I  would  then  endeavour  to  express  my  grief 
in  the  most  moving  tones.  Nature,  friendship  and  more  than  a 
father's  love  would  be  the  springs  of  my  emotions. 

Do  not  leave  me  to  sigh  in  vain,  noble  friend,  for  this  gift  so 
worthy  of  your  beautiful  soul.  In  Vienna,  to  which  I  am  about  to 
return,  I  shall  await  your  answer  with  longing.  Then,  each  time  I 
think  of  you,  my  heart  will  be  filled  not  only  with  emotions  of  the 
most  sincere  friendship  but  also  with  the  most  grateful  appreciation, 
and  both  will  perpetuate  the  perfect  veneration  with  which  I  have 
the  honour  to  be 

Most  highly  esteemed  Sir  and  friend 
Your  entirely  devoted  servant 
Ritter  Gluck. 
Paris,  10  May 
1776 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

[In  KJruthoffer's 
handwriting :  Replied  Paris 

i6July  1776] 

Vienna,  30th  June  1776 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  am  deeply  obliged  to  you  as  also  to  H.  v.  BlumendorfF  for  the 
brochures^  you  sent,  which  amuse  me  greatly.  Please  continue  to 
send  me  everything  and  all  anecdotes  relating  to  the  opera.  I  make 
over  to  you  the  bill  for  Mr  Berton.  You  can  leave  the  opera  as  it 
stands ;  the  little  that  Mr  Gosseck  [sic]  may  have  done  for  it  can  be  of 
no  consequence.  This  will  make  the  opera  no  better  and  no  worse, 
because  it  is  the  end  of  it.  With  regard  to  Marchand,  I  have  aheady 
written  to  the  M.  Bailly  [du  Roullet],  who  wiU  try  to  keep  this 
intriguer  quiet.  My  wife  sends  you  her  compliments  and  hopes  next 


82  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

spring  or  next  summer  to  enjoy  your  pleasant  company  in  Paris. 

With  my  best  respects  to  Mr  v.  BlumendorfF,  I  remain 

Your  most  devoted  friend  and 

servant 

Chevalier  Gluck 

PS.  The  courier  has  escaped  me  this  time,  so  I  am  writing  by  post 

from  Vienna 
[Address] 
To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  KruthofFer 
chez  Son  Excellence  Mr.  le  Comte  de 
Mercy  Ambassadeur  de  L  :L :  M  :M : 
J  :J :  [their  Imperial  Majesties]  et  Royal 
ä 
Paris 

^  Amongst  the  pamphlets  which  appeared  in  1776  the  Lettre  sur  les  drames- 
opera,  by  de  Roullet,  La  soiree  perdue  ä  VOpira  and  Le  souper  des  enthousiastes, 
by  the  Abbe  Amaud,  are  worthy  of  special  mention. 


[Christoph  Martin  Wieland^  to  Gluck.  German] 

Weimar,  13  th  July  1776 
I  am  quite  ashamed,  most  venerable  man,  to  have  kept  silent  so  long  after  your 
friendly,  confidential  letter  from  Paris  and  to  appear  before  you  still  with  empty 
hands.  In  the  state  of  mind  in  which  I  received  your  letter  I  was  able  to  weep 
with  you,  to  feel  deeply  and  mourn  your  loss,  but  to  put  something  into  words 
that  would  be  worthy  of  the  departed  angel  and  of  your  pain  and  your  genius, 
that  I  could  not  and  will  never  be  able  to  do.  Apart  from  Klopstock  only  Goethe^ 
is  capable  of  it.  It  was  to  him  that  I  had  recourse  and  showed  your  letter,  and  the 
very  next  day  I  found  him  possessed  by  a  great  idea,  which  was  working  in  his 
soul.  I  saw  it  emerge  and  looked  forward  with  infinite  pleasure  to  its  final  real- 
ization, difficult  as  this  seemed  to  me.  But  what  is  impossible  to  Goethe?  I  saw  that 
he  was  brooding  over  it  lovingly.  Only  a  few  quiet  days  alone,  and  what  I  had 
glimpsed  in  his  soul  would  be  consigned  to  paper.  But  Fate  denied  him  and  you 
this  comfort.  About  the  same  time  his  position  here  became  more  and  more 
disturbed  and  his  attention  was  taken  up  by  quite  other  things.  Then,  some  weeks 
ago,  enjoying  as  he  does  the  complete  confidence  and  special  affection  of  our  Duke,^ 
he  was  obliged  to  accept  a  post  in  the  Privy  Council ;  since  then  all  hope  is  virtually 
gone  that  he  will  be  able  to  fmish  the  work  he  had  started  in  the  near  future.  He 
himself,  I  must  add,  has  abandoned  neither  the  will  nor  the  hope,  and  I  know  that 
from  time  to  time  he  gives  it  earnest  thought,  but  in  a  situation  in  which  he  is 
not  liis  own  master  for  one  single  day,  what  can  the  prospects  be?  You  can  see, 
however,  dearest  Sir,  why  I  have  delayed  writing  to  you  from  week  to  week,  for 
always  I  was  hoping  to  be  able  to  send  you,  together  with  the  enclosed  testimonial 
of  Karl  August's  love  for  you,  either  the  whole  piece  which  Goethe  intended  to 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  83 

dedicate  to  the  memory  of  your  beloved  niece  or  at  least  a  part  of  the  same. 
Goethe  himself  did  not  lose  hope  and  reassured  me ;  I  am  also  certain,  knowing 
that  splendid  mortal  as  I  do,  that  it  will  still  be  produced  and,  however  belated  it 
may  be,  your  genius  and  the  spirit  of  your  departed  one  will  fmd  joy  in  it,  of  this 
I  am  certain.  But  I  could  not  possibly  delay  giving  you  tliis  news  any  longer  and 
so  accounting  for  my  strange  silence. 

There  are  moments  when  I  heartily  wish  that  I  could  produce  a  lyrical  work, 
which  would  be  worthy  to  receive  life  and  immortality  from  Gluck.  At  times  I 
feel  it  is  in  my  power.  But  this  is  no  more  than  a  passiag  feeling,  not  the  voice  of 
genius.  Moreover,  I  am  lacking  in  subjects,  which  would  be  suited  to  lyrical 
drama  and  at  the  same  time  could  produce  a  major  effect.  Perhaps,  my  dearest 
Ritter  Gluck,  you  know  of  one  which  you  would  like  to  see  written  and  then  to 
work  upon.  Should  I  be  mistaken  in  this,  then  let  me  know  your  mind  and  I  will 
try  to  wake  the  Muse  once  more.  At  one  time  Antony  and  Cleopatra  was  much  in 
my  thoughts,  but,  even  if  I  could  work  my  way  into  it,  this  is  no  subject  for  Vienna, 
where,  I  do  not  doubt,  this  excess  of  love  would  seem  too  monotonous.  The  three 
greatest  subjects — Orfeo,  Alceste  and  Iphigenie — ^you  have  already  set  to  music,  and 
what  still  remains  that  would  be  worthy  of  you?  Undoubtedly  there  are  still 
interesting  subjects  and  situations — but  would  I  be  able  to  execute  them;  Yes,  if  I 
could  work  at  your  side,  under  your  supervision,  warmed  by  your  fire,  inspired 
by  your  power  over  all  the  forces  of  music !  But  here  in  "Weimar ! 

This  letter  from  Karl  August  has  been  in  my  hands  for  some  time.  Forgive 
me  for  having  withheld  it  from  you  for  so  long.  I  have  told  you  the  reason,  but 
it  can  hardly  excuse  me  in  his  eyes  and  yours. 

May  you  be  able  to  find  some  compensation  in  Vienna,  if  only  this  nepenthe, 
this  magic  draught  v/hich  Parthenia  offers  to  the  dying  Admetos !  And  O !  may 
we  ere  long  be  happy  enough  to  see  and  hear  you  here !  Then  I  will  see  the  man 
face  to  face  and  be  able  in  his  presence  to  unburden  myself  of  some  at  least  of  the 
emotions,  which  the  little  I  have  heard  of  his  splendid  works  (only  inadequately 
performed)  has  aroused  in  me. 

^  Christoph  Martin  Wieland  (1733-1813)  probably  made  his  first 
contact  with  Gluck  during  a  visit  to  Swabia.  He  was  one  of  Gluck's  most 
fervent  champions,  who  knew  his  operas  well  and  who,  under  Gluck's 
influence,  wrote  his  'Versuch  über  das  deutsche  Singspiel',  Teutscher  Merkur, 

1775- 

2  Johann  Wolfgang  von  Goethe  (1749-1832)  was  inspired  by  Nanette 

Gluck's  death  to  write  his  monodrama,  Proserpini.  It  appeared  in  1778  in  the 

Teutscher  Merkur;  it  was  performed  independently  in  Ettersberg  in  1779, 

when  it  was  'wantonly  inserted  in  the  Triumpf  der  Empfindsamkeit  with 

disastrous  results',  and  fmally  in  1865  with  music  by  Carl  Eberwein  (1786- 

1868). 

^  Carl  August  Duke  of  Sachsen- Weimar  (1757-1828). 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  Roullet.  French] 

[July-August  1776] 
I  have  j"ust  received  your  letter  of  the  15th  January,  in  which, 


84  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

my  dear  friend,  you  exhort  me  to  work  diligently  at  the  opera 
Roland.^  This  is  no  longer  possible,  for  as  soon  as  I  heard  that  the 
Directors,  who  were  not  ignorant  that  I  was  at  work  on  this  opera, 
had  given  the  same  text  to  Signor  Piccinni,^  I  cast  into  the  flames  all 
I  had  completed  of  it.  Perhaps  it  was  not  worth  much,  and  in  that 
case  the  public  will  be  greatly  obHged  to  M.  Marmontel,^  who  in 
this  way  has  spared  them  the  misfortune  of  hearing  bad  music. 
Moreover,  I  do  not  feel  fit  to  enter  into  a  contest.  Signor  Piccinni 
would  have  too  great  an  advantage  over  me;  since,  besides  his 
personal  merit,  which  is  undoubtedly  great,  he  would  have  the 
advantage  of  novelty,  for  Paris  has  already  had  from  me  four  operas 
— whether  good  or  bad  matters  not;  in  any  case,  they  exhaust  the 
imagination.  Moreover,  I  have  marked  out  the  path  for  him,  and  he 
has  only  to  follow  it.  I  say  nothing  of  his  patrons ;  I  am  sure  that  a 
certain  politician  of  my  acquaintance*  will  have  three-fourths  of 
Paris  to  dinner  and  supper,  in  order  to  make  proselytes,  and  that 
Marmontel,  who  is  so  good  at  stories,  will  acquaint  the  whole 
kingdom  with  the  exclusive  merit  of  Signor  Piccinni.  I  pity  M. 
Hebert^  sincerely  for  having  fallen  into  the  clutches  of  such  people, 
one  of  whom  is  a  bhnd  admirer  of  Italian  music,  and  the  other  the 
author  of  so-called  comic  operas ;  they  will  make  him  see  the  moon  at 
midday. 

I  am  truly  put  out  about  it,  for  M.  Hebert  is  a  worthy  man,  and 
that  is  why  I  do  not  hesitate  to  give  him  my  Armide,  on  the  con- 
ditions, however,  which  I  mentioned  to  you  in  my  previous  letter, 
and  of  which  the  essential  points  are,  that  when  I  come  to  Paris  I 
must  have  at  least  two  months  in  which  to  train  my  actors  and 
actresses;  that  I  shall  be  at  liberty  to  have  as  many  rehearsals  as  I 
think  necessary;  that  no  part  shall  be  doubled;  and  that  another  opera 
shall  be  in  readiness  in  case  any  actor  or  actress  shall  fall  sick.  These 
are  my  conditions,  without  which  I  will  keep  Armide  for  my  own 
pleasure.  I  have  written  the  music  for  it  in  such  a  way  that  it  will  not 
grow  old  quickly. 

You  say  in  your  letter,  my  friend,  that  none  of  my  works  will  ever 
compare  with  Alceste.  I  cannot  agree  with  this  prophecy.  Alceste  is  a 
perfect  tragedy,  and  I  do  not  think  it  often  fails  of  its  full  perfection. 
But  you  cannot  imagine  how  many  shades  and  manners  music  is 
capable  of,  and  what  varied  paths  it  can  follow.  Armide  is  so  different 
from  Alceste,  that  one  would  hardly  believe  they  were  by  the  same 
composer;  and  I  have  put  into  it  what  little  power  remained  to  me 
after  Alceste.  I  have  striven  to  be,  in  Armide,  more  painter  and  poet 


JOHANN    GOTTFRIED    HERDER 

Engraving  by  F.  Anderloni  from  the  painting  by  Gerhard  von  Kiigelgen 


JEAN-BAPTISTE   ANTOINE    SUARD 

Engraving  by  C.  Pradier  from  a  portrait 
by  Gerard 


LOUIS-JOSEPH 
FRANCCEUR 

Engraving   by   Mnic 

Lingec  after  Morcan 

k  feiinc 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  85 

than  musician;  ofthat,  however,  you  will  be  able  to  judge  yourself 
when  you  hear  the  opera.  With  it  I  expect  to  close  my  career  as  an 
artist.  The  public,  indeed,  will  take  as  long  to  understand  Armide  as 
they  did  to  understand  Alceste.  There  is  a  kind  of  refmement  in  the 
former  that  is  not  in  the  latter;  for  I  have  managed  to  make  the 
different  personages  express  themselves  in  such  a  way  that  you  will 
be  able  to  tell  at  once  whether  Armide  or  another  is  singing.  I  must 
end,  or  you  might  think  me  either  a  charlatan  or  a  lunatic.  Nothing 
sits  so  badly  on  a  man  as  praise  of  himself;  it  only  suited  the  great 
Corneille.^  When  I  or  Marmontel  blow  our  own  trumpets,  people 
laugh  in  our  faces.  For  the  rest,  you  are  right  in  saying  that  the 
French  composers  are  too  greatly  neglected;  for  I  am  very  much  in 
error  if  Gossec  and  Phihdor,'  who  understand  the  style  of  the  French 
opera  so  well,  could  not  serve  the  pubhc  better  than  the  best  of 
Itahan  composers,  if  people  were  not  too  enthusiastic  over  whatever 
is  new.  You  say  further,  dear  friend,  that  Orfeo  loses  in  comparison 
with  Alceste.  But,  good  heavens !  how  is  it  possible  to  compare  two 
works  that  have  nothing  in  common  ?  The  one  can  please  as  well  as 
the  other;  but  put  Alceste  on  the  stage  with  your  worst  players  and 
Orfeo  with  your  best,  and  you  will  see  that  Orfeo  will  bear  away  the 
prize;  the  best  things  become  insupportable  in  a  bad  performance. 
Between  two  works  of  a  different  nature  there  can  be  no  comparison. 
If,  for  example,  Piccinni  and  I  had  both  composed  a  Roland,  then 
people  would  have  been  able  to  judge  which  was  the  better; 
different  libretti  must  necessarily  produce  different  compositions, 
each  of  which  might  be  the  most  beautiful  of  its  kind;  in  any  other 
case — omnis  comparatio  Claudicat.  Indeed  I  must  almost  tremble  at  the 
idea  of  a  comparison  between  Armide  and  Alceste — two  poems  so 
diverse,  of  which  one  moves  to  tears  and  the  other  stimulates 
exquisite  sensations.  If  such  comparisons  are  made,  I  do  not  know 
what  to  do,  except  to  pray  God  to  give  the  worthy  city  of  Paris  its 
sound  common  sense  again. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  I  embrace  you,  etc.,  etc. 

The  editor  prefaced  the  letter  with  the  following  words:  'As  you  are 
doubtless  aware,  Monsieur,  the  famous  Chevalier  Gluck  had  charged  me  to 
set  to  music  the  words  of  the  opera  Roland,  During  his  absence  a  secret  cabal, 
ever  jealous  of  his  successes,  engaged  M.  Piccinni  to  work  concurrently  on  the 
same  subject.  M.  Gluck,  when  he  learned  of  this,  wrote  to  one  of  his  friends 
— du  Roulet — the  followiag  letter,  a  copy  of  which  has  just  fallen  into  my 
hands.'  At  the  end  of  the  letter  there  is  the  following  comment:  'N.B. 
This  letter,  written  in  the  confidence  of  friendsliip,  was  not  intended,  as 

C.G.-G 


86  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

one  can  see,  for  publication.  It  was  printed  without  the  consent  of  M.  Gluck 
or  of  the  person  to  whom  it  is  addressed.' 

^  The  text  of  the  opera  Roland,  which  with  Piccinni's  music  had  its  premiere 
on  27th  January  1778,  was  by  PhiHppe  Quinault  and  was  condensed  into  three 
acts  by  Marmontel. 

^  Nicola  Piccinni  was  bom  in  Bari  near  Naples  on  i6th  January  1728. 
From  1742  onwards  he  attended  the  Conservatorio  Sant'  Onofrio,  where  he 
became  a  favourite  pupil  of  Leo  and  Durante.  In  1754  his  first  opera  Le  donne 
dispettose  was  produced  in  Naples  and  a  further  130  followed  in  the  course 
of  the  years.  In  1756  he  married  the  singer  Vincenza  Sibilla,  who  had  been 
his  pupil  but  at  his  wish  abandoned  the  stage.  His  comic  opera  Cecchina 
nubile  [La  buonafigliuola)  had  an  enormous  success  when  it  was  first  produced 
in  Rome  in  1760.  It  was  performed  not  only  on  every  stage  in  Italy  but 
throughout  Europe.  In  1773  he  fell  out  of  favour  with  the  unpredictable 
public  of  Rome,  which  became  enamoured  of  Pasquale  Anfossi,  a  composer 
who  was  not  to  be  compared  with  Piccinni.  The  turning-point  in  his  life 
came  when  he  moved  to  Paris  in  1776  at  the  instigation  of  the  Du  Barry  and 
the  Neapohtan  Ambassador  Caraccioli(see  below). 

His  first  work  in  French  was  Roland,  which,  in  spite  of  efforts  by  the 
Gluckists  to  discredit  it,  was  an  enormous  success.  In  1778,  when  an  Italian 
troupe  performed  at  the  Opera  House,  alternating  with  a  French  company, 
he  had  an  opportunity  to  present  his  best  Italian  works,  in  which  his 
imagination  was  not  inhibited  by  a  foreign  language.  His  Iphiginie  en 
Tauride,  which  was  performed  two  years  after  Gluck's,  had  a  cool  reception. 
Gluck,  who  had  a  high  opinion  of  him,  had  proved  his  superiority.  After 
Gluck's  return  to  Paris  a  new  rival  to  Piccinni  emerged  in  Sacchini.  During 
the  French  Revolution  he  returned  to  Naples.  In  1798  he  again  settled  in 
Paris,  where  he  lived  in  modest  circumstances.  Shortly  before  his  death 
a  sixth  Inspector  post  was  created  for  him  at  the  Conservatoire.  He  died 
on  7th  May  1800  at  Passy  near  Paris  [Ginguene:  Notice  sur  la  vie  et  les 
ouvrages  de  Nicola  Piccinni.  1801]. 

^  Marmontel  probably  informed  Gluck  of  Piccinni's  plans  in  order  to 
interrupt  the  former's  work  on  Roland. 

^The  diplomat  referred  to  by  Gluck  was  Domenico  Caraccioli,  who 
was  bom  in  Naples  in  171 5  and  eventually  became  Ambassador  in  Turin, 
London  and  Paris,  where  he  arrived  in  1771.  Ten  years  later  he  became 
Viceroy  of  Sicily  at  Naples,  where  he  died  in  1789. 
^  Hebert  was  Director  of  the  Opera. 

^  Pierre  Corneille,  the  great  French  dramatist  and  creator  of  the  French 
classical  tragedy,  was  bom  on  6th  June  1606  in  Rouen,  became  a  lawyer  and  in 
1647  a  member  of  the  Academy.  He  died  in  Paris  on  ist  October  1684. 
'  FRANgois  Andre  Danican  Philidor  was  bom  in  Dreux  on  7th 
September  1726.  He  was  no  less  famous  as  a  chess-player  than  as  a  composer. 
He  began  his  musical  career  in  1745  with  a  Lauda  Jerusalem,  with  which  he 
hoped  to  win  the  position  of  Chief  Intendant,  but,  as  the  Queen  did  not  like 
his  music,  he  was  not  appointed.  In  1759  he  emerged  for  the  first  time  as  a 
dramatic  composer  and  met  with  so  much  success  that  for  several  decades  he 
was  the  leading  representative  of  the  Opera  Comique.  When  Le  sorcier  was 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  87 

produced  in  1764,  he  made  history  by  being  the  first  composer  to  be  called 
on  to  a  Paris  stage.  His  Tom  Jones  (176$)  included  what  was  then  an  unheard-of 
innovation,  namely,  a  quartet  'a  capella'.  In  collaboration  with  Favari,  he 
produced  the  first  engraved  score  of  Gluck's  Orfeo  in  1764.  He  died  on 
31st  August  1895  in  London  [cf.  G.-E.  Bonnet:  Philidor  et  revolution  de  la 
musiquefrangaise  au  XVIII'  siede.  1921.] 


[To  Chr.  M.  Wieland.  German] 

Vienna,  7th  August  1776 
Most  highly  esteemed  Sir  and  friend, 

Your  letter  of  the  13  th  July  was  to  me  a  gift  which  was  all  the 
more  agreeable  because  I  had  awaited  it  with  great  impatience. 
Although  time  has  lessened  my  pain,  as  it  is  wont  to  subdue  all  human 
passions,  even  joy,  yet  your  letter  did  not  come  too  late  to  fill  the 
void  left  by  the  loss  of  my  child.  The  friendship  of  a  Wieland, 
Klopstock  and  other  such  men  is  sufficient  to  compensate  and  console 
anyone  with  feeling  for  all  the  sorrows  of  this  world.  You  give  me 
hope  that  I  may  gain  in  Herr  Goethe  a  new  friend  of  this  kind,  and 
my  joy  is  now  complete.  While  I  cannot  expect  either  from  you  or 
from  Herr  Goethe  a  poem  on  the  good,  snow-white,  departed  soul 
of  my  little  one,  however  much  I  might  wish  it,  your  Muse,  dearest 
Wieland,  will  never  be  unfaithful  to  you,  unless  you  yourself 
wished  it  so;  and  Goethe,  whose  writings,  hke  yours,  I  have  read 
and  devoured,  Goethe,  of  whom  Klopstock  said  to  me,  'This  is  the 
great  man',  can  surely  not  be  prevented  by  any  official  duties  from 
becoming  inspired  and  from  laying  one  of  his  roses  upon  a  grave 
that  merits  roses.  Is  anything  impossible  for  you  and  Goethe  ?  Give 
my  respects  to  this  excellent  man  and  tell  him  that  I  would  have 
prepared  the  songs  from  his  Erwin?-  for  the  theatre  here,  if  the 
people  had  not  been  lacking  to  execute  the  same. 

Instead  of  forgetting  your  Antonius^  and  his  Cleopatra,  rather 
forget  the  thought  that  this  excess  of  love  would  shock  people  in 
Vienna,  where,  in  any  case,  there  is  now  no  German  opera.  I  would 
gladly  work  with  and  for  you,  if  you  were  willing  to  send  me  your 
poetry;  in  Weimar,  under  such  a  Prince,  in  such  good  company  with 
Goethe  and  others,  you  cannot  possibly  lack  encouragement.  All 
I  would  ask  is  that,  instead  of  the  usual  confidants,  choruses  should 
be  introduced,  of  Romans  on  Antony's  side  and  of  Egyptian  women 
on  Cleopatra's,  for  confidants  or  other  secondary  characters  make  the 
play  dull,  because  they  are  too  uninteresting ;  a  further  reason  is  that 
it  is  seldom  easy  to  find  more  than  one  good  soprano  singer.  Choruses, 


88  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

however,  produce  life  and,  if  they  fill  the  scenes,  particularly  at  the 
end,  they  make  a  splendid  effect. 

It  may  be  that  my  relations  with  Vienna  and  Paris  will  permit  me 
to  make  a  pleasure-trip  through  Germany.  Then  Weimar  will  be  one 
of  the  first  places  I  shall  visit  in  order  to  see  there  one  of  the  fmest 
collections  of  great  men  and  draw  fresh  inspiration  from  the  source. 

I  beg  you  to  hand  the  enclosed  to  His  Serene  Highness^  and  to 
say  as  much  concerning  it  on  my  behalf  as  you  think  fit,  in  order  to 
keep  me  in  the  favour  of  this  illustrious  Prince. 

Farewell,  and  may  you  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  hfe  which  you  so 
richly  di 


eserve  i 


Gluck. 


^  Goethe's  Erwin  und  Elmire  appeared  in  1775  as  a  play  with  songs.  It 
was  first  produced  in  Frankfurt-am-Main  on  13  th  September  1775  with 
music  by  Johann  Andre  (1741-1766) ;  it  was  frequently  performed  before  the 
Court  in  Weimar  with  music  by  Anna  AmaHe  Duchess  of  Sachsen-Weimar 
(1739-1807)  [cf.  S.  E.  Böttcher:  Goethe's  Singspiele  'Erwin  und  Eltnire\ 
'Claudine  von  Villa  Bella  und  die  Opera  Buffa.  Marburg,  1912.] 
^  Wieland's  translation  of  Shakespeare's  Antony  and  Cleopatra. 
^  Carl  August  Duke  of  Sachsen- Weimar. 


[To  THE  Musicians  of  the  Paris  Opera  Orchestra.  French] 

Vienna,  14th  August  1776 
Gentlemen, 

I  am  told  that  you  perform  the  opera  Alceste^  with  a  surprising 
degree  of  perfection  and  with  extraordinary  zeal :  I  cannot  fmd  words 
to  express  the  pleasure  I  feel  at  this  evidence  of  your  friendship  for 
me  on  this  occasion;  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  I  will  neglect  no 
opportunity  of  showing  my  appreciation.  In  the  meantime,  my  dear 
friends  and  companions,  accept  my  most  heartfelt  thanks,  and,  if  I 
may  venture  to  beg  of  you  a  further  token  of  your  friendship,  do 
aU  you  can  to  make  a  success  of  M.  Cambini's^  opera,  for  I  am  told 
that,  apart  from  his  other  talents,  he  is  a  very  honest  man,  something 
that  is  very  rare  amongst  our  colleagues  in  the  century  in  which  we 
live. 

I  remain  always,  Gentlemen  and  dear  friends,  your  very  humble,  etc. 

The  editor  prefaced  this  letter  with  the  following  comment:  'As  regards 
letters,  here  is  quite  an  original  one  from  our  friend  Gluck;  it  is  causing 
a  lively  stir  at  the  Opera,  where  it  is  regarded  as  very  tactless  of  the  German 
Orpheus  to  pretend  that  integrity  is  hardly  compatible  in  this  day  and  age 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  l 

witli  musical  talent.  Moreover,  the  Chevalier  Gluck  has  left  it  somewhat  late 
to  engage  the  support  of  liis  dear  friends  for  the  opera.  The  Romans,  which, 
if  performed  alternately  with  Alceste,  would  have  been  a  mere  shadow  on  the 
stage,  since  this  unfortunate  work  by  M.  Cambini  has  fallen  through.* 

^  Gluck's  Alceste,  which  had  its  premiere  on  23rd  April  1776,  was  still 
such  an  outstanding  success  on  30th  July  1776,  which  should  have  been  the 
last  performance,  that  it  was  repeated.  On  14th  September  1776  Gluck 
himself  was  present  at  the  thirty-eighth  performance. 
2  Giovanni  Giuseppe  Cambini  was  born  in  Leghorn  on  13th  February 
1746.  He  was  a  pupil  of  Padre  Martini.  After  an  adventurous  career  he  went 
to  Paris  in  1770,  where  he  found  a  patron  in  Gossec  and  met  with  some 
success  as  a  composer.  He  died  in  1825  in  the  poorhouse  at  Bicetre.  Gluck  is 
probably  referring  to  his  three-act  ballet,  The  Romans,  the  libretto  of  which 
was  by  Michel  de  Bomieval.  The  'entree'  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Paris  Opera. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer' s  handwriting : 
Rephed  Paris,  17th  September  1776] 

Vienna,  29th  August  [1776] 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

Am  much  obhged  to  you  for  the  package  you  sent.  We  have  not 
yet  received  the  atlas  from  the  architect,  because  the  courier  does 
not  know  where  his  lodging  is.  We  hope  to  discover  this  soon.  My 
wife,  who  joins  me  in  sending  kindest  regards  to  Herr  von  Blumen- 
dorff  and  yourself,  begs  you  to  send  the  two  rolls  of  gauze,  if  it  is  of 
the  right  colour,  at  the  earhest  opportunity.  Concerning  Marchand, 
I  have  given  him  The  Pear  Tree,^  in  the  hope  that  he  may  some  time 
become  an  honest  man,  although  I  see  that  neither  good  nor  ill  helps 
to  improve  him,  as  I  never  hear  anything  further  from  him.  Write 
and  tell  me  when  the  score  o(  Alceste  will  be  fmished.  Even  here  I 
am  plagued  from  Paris  about  this.  I  hear  that  Mr  Noverro  [Noverre] 
has  been  engaged  by  the  Opera ;  if  this  is  so,  then  next  year,  if  with 
God's  grace  I  am  still  ahve,  I  will  be  able  to  produce  Le  Siege  de 
Cythere  again,  because  this  opera  with  appropriate  dances  will  look 
quite  different  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  would  succeed.  Your  story  about 
Mile  Amoud  (Amould)^  made  us  laugh  heartily.  As  you  will 
remember,  I  have  always  said :  when  the  pubhc  has  once  understood 
Alceste,  then  this  piece  will  make  a  deep  and  lasting  impression,  and 
it  now  seems  as  if  I  had  guessed  aright.  Armide  will  have  difficulty 
in  holding  its  own  beside  it,  for  the  poem  is  not  so  sensitive  as 
Alceste  and  it  contains  many  episodes ;  but,  if  Mr  Janson's^  subscription 


90  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

materializes,  I  will  hardly  be  in  a  position,  if  only  out  of  gratitude  to 
the  public,  to  withdraw  from  this  work.  If  I  have  merited  this 
honour,  then  it  is  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  good  music — for 
good  music  has  been  and  will  be  made  by  many  before  and  after  me, 
but  because  I  have  shown  them  the  way  to  complete  their  operas 
and  because  I  have  developed  an  actress  and  an  actor  of  whom  they 
thought  nothing;  it  is,  if  I  may  say  so,  a  reward  that  was  deserved. 
Moreover,  Mr  Janson  receives  the  greatest  honour  from  it. 

I  remain, 

Most  esteemed  friend, 

Your  most  humble  servant 

Gluck. 

^  Gluck  had  given  Le  Marchand  the  publishing  rights  of  the  new  version 
of  his  one-act  comic  opera  Le  Pokier  (The  Pear  Tree)  ou  L'Arbre  enchante, 
which  he  had  originally  written  for  Schönbrunn  in  1759  and  which  had  been 
performed  on  27th  February  1775  at  Versailles  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  by  the 
Archduke  Maximilian,  youngest  brother  of  Marie  Antoinette.  The  perform- 
ance by  the  Comedie  Italienne  was  not  a  great  success  [Memoires  secretes, 
XXIX,  294).  Le  Marchand  published  the  orchestral  parts  and  an  extract  from 
the  work  for  piano. 

2  Madeleine  Sophie  Arnould  (bom  14th  February  1744  in  Paris,  died 
1 8th  October  1802  also  in  Paris).  An  outstanding  soprano,  she  belonged  to 
the  Academic  de  Musique  from  1757  to  1778,  was  Gluck's  first  Iphiginie 
and  Eurydice,  but  was  then  superseded  by  Levasseur.  Sophie  Arnould  'was 
knowm  for  her  wit,  which  was  frequently  sharp  and  caustic'.  Her  intimate 
relationship  with  the  Due  de  Brancas,  Count  of  Lauraguais,  gave  rise  to  many 
rumours  [cf.  Ed.  and  J.  de  Goncourt:  Sophie  Arnould  d'apres  sa  Correspondence 
etses  mitnoires  inedites.  Paris,  1877]. 

^  Jean  Baptiste  Aime  Joseph  Janson  (1742-1803)  was  a  'cellist  who  gave 
a  series  of  concerts  in  Vienna  in  1779. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer' s  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  17th  October  1776] 

Vienna,  30th  September  1776 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  have  received  everything  in  good  order.  My  wife  sends  you  her 
warmest  thanks  for  the  cloth  and  her  regards  to  you  and  H.  von 
Blumendorff.  You  have  forgotten  to  send  the  twelve  volumes  of 
[Le  Nouveau]  Spectateur  [sic]  and  you  give  me  no  news.  Another 
time  consider  your  letter  in  advance  so  that  you  do  not  wait  until 
the  last  moment  to  write  to  me.  If  Mr  Peters  finds  himself  unable 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  91 

to  engrave  Alceste,  then  give  same  to  Marchand  so  that  it  is  soon 
finished,  for  the  Emperor  keeps  asking  me  when  he  v^ill  get  a  copy 
of  the  score.  I  no  longer  know^  w^hat  answer  to  give.  It  is  almost  a 
year  since  it  became  known  that  I  would  give  Armide,  and  Mme 
Laurenti^  is  not  taking  any  trouble  to  fmd  'protectores'  [guarantors], 
who  could  help  her  to  produce  her  Armide,  for  without  'impegno' 
[without  guarantee]  the  Administration  will  hardly  accept  her  opera, 
because  it  is  costly  and  her  husband  has  not  yet  worked  for  the  public 
theatre.  It  is  an  important  point;  she  must  do  as  Mr  Floquet^  has 
done.  He  sought  'protectores';  the  pubhc  in  Paris  is  sympathetic 
and  his  poverty  contributed  as  much  to  his  success  as  the  music 
itself.  She  must  take  action;  now  is  the  right  time,  because  the 
administration  does  not  know  what  to  produce  next.  I  wrote  to  the 
Bailli  [du  Roullet]  asking  him  to  speak  to  Mr  Berton  in  my  name 
and  to  do  everything  possible  to  make  a  success  of  this.  That  is  all 
I  can  do.  I  cannot  force  her,  for  this  would  be  interpreted  as  im- 
pertinence and  arrogance.  On  the  other  hand,  I  would  like  nothing 
more  than  that  the  opera  should  be  presented,  in  order  that  I  should 
be  released  from  the  everlasting  nagging  with  which  I  am  bombarded 
every  post  day  to  bring  Armide  with  me,  which  in  many  places  I 
fmd  very  shallow.  I  have  put  forward  a  proposal  to  the  Adminis- 
tration that  I  will  postpone  my  Armide  until  next  Carnival,  1778,  so 
that  I  incur  no  reproaches.  This  is  what  I  have  done  at  your  request, 
and  I  remain, 

Most  esteemed  friend. 

Ever  your  most  devoted  servant 

Gluck. 

PS.  Please  to  give  my  respects  to  Mr  Hoppe,^  to  whom  I  am  greatly 
obliged  for  the  letter  he  sent. 

^  Mme  Laurenti  remains  something  of  a  mystery.  This  and  the  following 
letter  suggest  that  friends  in  Paris  had  made  an  appeal  on  behalf  of  the 
widow  of  a  composer  Laurenti,  who  had  written  an  opera,  Armide,  and  whose 
widow  was  trying,  despite  the  fact  that  'her  husband  had  not  worked  for  the 
public  theatre',  to  have  the  work  accepted  by  the  Academie  de  Musique. 
Gluck  supported  this  project  and  had  proposed  to  the  Director  of  the  Paris 
Opera,  Berton,  that  the  production  of  his  own  Armide  should  be  deferred 
until  spring  1778 — an  unselfish  trait  in  his  character,  which  also  came  out 
on  other  occasions. 

2  As  a  result  of  the  lukewarm  reception  given  at  the  beginning  to  Alceste, 
the  Directors  of  the  Opera  had  considered  staging  another  performance  at  the 
end  of  May  1776  of  the  ballet  L'union  de  V amour  et  des  arts,  by  Etienne 
Joseph  Floquet  (1750-1785),  which  had  met  with  considerable  success  in 


92  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

September  1773  (cf.  vols.  VII  and  IX  of  the  Memoires  secretes).  In  the  last 
year  of  his  life  Floquet  made  an  attempt,  which  completely  failed,  to  follow 
Gluck's  Armide  with  another  setting  of  Quinault's  poem  by  himself.  This 
failure  is  said  to  have  hastened  his  death. 

^  Hoppe,  like  Kruthoffer,  was  a  Private  Secretary  to  the  Ambassador 
Mercy-Argenteau;  he  accompanied  the  Count  to  Brussels  in  1791  and 
remained  with  him  until  he  died  in  1794. 


[To  Abbe  Arnaud.  French] 
To  Monsieur  I'Abbe  Arnaud 
de  TAcademie  Frangioise,  Paris. 

Vienna,  31st  October  1776 
Monsieur, 

I  have  at  last  divined  the  reason  for  your  silence  tow^ards  me :  it  is 
the  return  of  M.  F  Ambassadeur  of  Naples  to  Paris.  You  know  that 
he  is  my  enemy,  having  very  different  views  on  music  from  mine. 
So  it  suits  you  to  prefer  the  friendship  of  a  titled  man  to  that  of  a 
simple  musician  like  myself.  My  feelings  towards  you  are  none  the 
less  constant  and  you  will  always  remain  my  hero.  I  have  read  in 
the  gazettes  that  you  gave  an  admirable  discourse  on  the  Greek 
language.^  If  it  is  printed,  I  beg  you  to  send  me  a  copy  by  the  courier 
of  M.  r  Ambassadeur  of  our  Court.  It  is  not  sufficient  for  me  that  I 
know  you  to  be  a  great  man,  I  wish  the  whole  of  Europe  to  pay  you 
homage.  Concerning  great  men,  the  portrait  by  your  M.  du  Plessis 
is  highly  regarded  here  by  the  connoisseurs,  but  the  hands  are 
criticized.  I  wish  he  could  fmish  them  and  so  crown  his  reputation  in 
this  country.  I  ask  your  advice  on  this,  whether  I  should  bring  the 
portrait  back  to  Paris,  the  condition  being,  however,  that  he  com- 
pletes it  soon.  Letters  from  Paris  tell  me  that  almost  everyone  is 
pleased  with  Alceste.  I  flatter  myself  that  you  are  also ;  to  me  your 
approval  is  worth  that  of  a  whole  nation. 

lam, 
Monsieur, 
Ever  your  very  humble  and 
very  obedient  servant, 
Gluck. 

PS.  My  wife  sends  you  a  thousand  compHments.  The  word  Sussola, 
of  which  the  Chevalier  Planelli^  speaks,  signifies  a  postchaise  which 
ladies  use  in  Naples  and  which  is  painted  with  much  taste,  much 
as  arc  your  'carrosses  de  gala'. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  93 

1  The  DISCOURSE  BY  Arnaud,  to  wliich  Gluck  refers,  was  given  when  he 
joined  the  Academy.  Its  title  was:  Du  caractere  des  langues  anciennes  comparies 
avec  la  languefrangaise. 

2  Chevalier  Antonio  Planelli  was  born  in  Bitonto  near  Naples  on 
1 7th  June  1747.  He  studied  chemistry  at  Altamura  but  then  turned  to  writing. 
His  DeW  opera  in  musica  trattato  (Naples,  1772)  won  especial  favour  with  his 
contemporaries.  He  died  in  Naples  in  March  1803. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  14th  November  1776] 

Vienna,  31st  October  1776 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  do  not  know  what  to  think,  not  having  received  a  letter  from 
you  by  the  last  courier.  I  hope  you  will  not  be  angry  with  me.  I  have 
received  a  letter  from  Mr  Berton,  in  which  he  writes  that  he  knows 
the  opera  by  Mr  Laurenti  and  that  he  does  not  find  the  same 
sufficiently  good  to  be  produced  at  the  Opera.  I  will  send  you  his 
original  letter  with  the  next  courier,  but  in  the  meantime  I  am  giving 
you  a  means  of  sounding  Mr  Berton  himself.  It  is  a  bill  for  1000 
livres,  which  you  wiU  have  the  goodness  to  cash  for  me  and  keep 
the  money  till  I  arrive.  On  this  occasion  you  could  also  say  something 
yourself  of  the  needy  condition  of  the  poor  widow  [Laurenti] ;  the 
spoken  word  often  makes  a  stronger  impression  than  writing.  I 
would  also  ask  you  to  pursue  the  oTpeia  Alceste  as  much  as  possible.  My 
wife  sends  you  and  H.  van  BlumendorfF  her  best  regards,  as  I  do, 
who,  moreover,  have  the  honour  to  be 

Most  esteemed  friend 

Your  most  humble  servant 
Gluck. 

PS.  I  beg  you  to  forward  the  enclosed  letters  to  their  addresses. 


[To  Nicolas  Etienne  Framery.  French] 

[November  1776] 
In  the  Mercure  de  France  of  the  month  of  September  1776  there 
is  a  letter  from  a  certain  Monsieur  Framery^  on  the  subject  of 
M.  Sacchini,  who  would  be  much  to  be  pitied,  if  he  had  need  of 
such  a  defender  to  uphold  his  reputation.  Almost  all  that  M. 
Framery  can  think  to  say  of  M.  Gluck,  M.  Sacchini,^  and  M. 


94  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Milico^  is  false.  M.  Gluck's  Italian  Alceste  has  never  been  presented  at 
Bologna  nor  in  any  other  town  in  Italy,  because  of  the  difficulty  of 
producing  it  if  M.  Gluck  is  not  present  to  direct  his  work. 

He  only  presented  it  in  Vienna  in  Austria  in  1768.*  When  this 
opera  was  repeated,  M.  Mihco  sang  the  part  of  Admetos.^  It  is 
true  that  M.  Sacchini  inserted  the  disputed  passage  into  his  aria 
'Se  cerca  se  dice'  etc.;®  this  musical  phrase  is  in  M.  Gluck's  Itahan 
Alceste — 'Ah !  per  questo  gia  stanco  mio  cuore' — ^printed  in  Vienna 
in  1769.  We  wish  to  point  out  further  that  there  is  yet  another 
passage  at  the  end  of  the  same  aria,  taken  from  the  aria  'Di  Scordamo' 
in. Parideed Elena''  [Paris  and  Helen],  which  was  also  printed  in  Vienna. 
M.  Framery  does  not  know  that  an  Italian  composer  is  frequently 
compelled  to  accommodate  himself  to  the  whim  and  the  voice  of  the 
singer,  and  it  is  M.  Mihco  who  obliged  M.  Sacchini  to  insert  the 
aforesaid  phrases  into  his  opera.  M.  Gluck  himself  reproached  his 
friend  Mihco  for  this.  For  at  that  time  M.  Gluck  had  not  yet  pre- 
sented his  Alceste  in  Paris  but  he  had  it  in  mind  to  do  so.  M.  Sacchini, 
genius  that  he  is  and  full  of  good  ideas,  has  no  need  to  steal  from  others, 
but  he  was  sufficiently  accommodating  towards  the  singer  to  borrow 
these  passages  in  which  the  singer  beheved  that  he  shone  most. 
M.  Sacchini's  reputation  has  been  estabhshed  for  a  long  time;  it  has 
no  need  to  be  defended,  but  it  may  be  that  it  is  damaged  by  parody- 
ing arias  in  French  which  were  composed  for  the  Itahan  language, 
bearing  in  mind  the  difference  between  the  two  melodies  and  the 
two  prosodies.  M.  Framery,  being  a  man  of  letters,  could  surely  do 
better  than  confuse  in  this  way  the  national  character  of  the  French 
and  the  Itahans  and  introduce  a  hermaphrodite  music  by  transposing 
arias,  which,  though  tolerated  in  comic  opera,  are  not  suited  to  grand 
opera. 

^  Nicolas  Etienne  Framery  was  born  in  Rouen  on  25th  March  1745. 
He  was  Surintendant  de  Musique  of  Count  Artois,  poet,  composer  and 
writer  on  music,  and  died  on  26th  November  18 10.  He  was  a  Piccinnist,  as 
is  shown  by  his  letter  to  the  Editor  of  the  Mercure  de  France,  to  which  Gluck's 
letter  was  a  reply. 

Framery 's  letter,  which  appeared  in  the  Mercure  de  France  in  September 
1776,  ran  as  follows:  Monsieur,  I  do  not  know  if  you  are  in  any  way 
acquainted  with  a  small  brochure  entitled  La  Soiree  perdue  ä  I'Opira.  It  contains 
one  phrase  which  appears  to  have  attracted  the  attention  of  the  public. 
It  is  the  only  one  that  interests  me  and  the  only  one  that  I  will  quote.  Here 
it  is: 
'That  is  an  agreeable  chorus  (said  one  interlocutor),  but  it  is  stolen  from  the 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  95 

opera  Gokonde — Wait,  Monsieur,  at  the  end  of  the  second  act  there  is  one  of  the 
finest  arias  ever  heard  in  any  lyrical  drama,  and  in  this  aria  the  most  moving  and 
the  happiest  inflexion  which  art  has  yet  borrowed  from  nature.  Well !  this  same 
inflexion,  this  same  trait  is  found  in  the  Olympiade  of  M.  Sacchini.  But  you  must 
needs  know  that  long  before  the  birth  of  M.  Sacchini's  Olympiade  and  of  the  opera 
Gokonde,  Alceste  had  already  seen  the  light  and,  indeed,  broad  daylight;  that  is  to 
say,  it  had  been  presented,  engraved,  and  published.  Oh !  you  do  not  know  how 
many  thefts  have  been  committed  at  the  expense  of  poor  Chevalier  Gluck;  it 
was  found,  and  rightly  so,  much  easier  to  rob  him  than  to  imitate  him,  etc' 

Is  it  not  true.  Monsieur,  that,  when  one  accuses  a  man  like  M.  Sacchini  so 
openly  of  plagiarism  against  a  man  like  M.  Gluck,  one  must  be  very  sure  of 
one's  facts? 

I  know  that  the  Italian  Alceste  was  presented  a  dozen  years  ago  in  the  small 
theatre  at  Bologna.  I  do  not  know,  nor  does  anyone  in  Italy,  if  this  opera  is 
engraved,  which  is  not  customary  in  that  country,  but,  if  it  is  or  even  if  it  has  only 
been  published,  nothing  is  easier  than  to  convict  M.  Sacchini  of  the  crime  with 
which  he  is  charged.  Let  M.  Gluck's  original  aria  be  published  in  France  (if  so 
desired,  I  will  pay  the  cost  of  the  engraving)  and  then  it  will  be  demonstrated  that 
M.  Sacchini,  forgetting  the  reputation  he  has  firmly  estabhshed  throughout  Europe, 
falsely  gave  himself  out  to  be  the  creator  of  a  form  of  expression  which  belonged 
to  another  opera  performed  in  a  small  town. 

A  brief  historical  exposition  would  perhaps  throw  light  on  many  things. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  1773  season  M.  Sacchini  was  commissioned  to  arrange 
a  pasticcio  of  the  Olympiade,  that  is  to  say,  an  opera  composed  of  different  pieces 
by  different  authors.  M.  Millico,  who  played  the  part  of  Megacle,  asked  the 
maestro  to  give  him  an  aria  of  his  own  on  these  famous  words:  'Se  cerca,  se  dice,' 
etc.  M.  Sacchini  had  already  done  an  Olympiade  at  Rome  and  another  at  Milan, 
but,  as  Italian  composers  are  not  in  the  habit  of  keeping  their  music  (still  less  that 
of  others),  M.  Sacchini  specially  composed  the  aria  in  question,  which  is  written 
in  a  clear,  simple,  moving  style — in  short,  in  a  style  entirely  different  from  that  of 
the  Alceste  aria ;  but  the  trait  in  question  is  there. 

M.  MilHco,  delighted  with  the  aria  and  with  his  success,  comes  to  Paris, 
lodges  with  his  friend,  M.  Gluck,  sings  this  scene  wherever  M.  Gluck  directs  it, 
has  it  sung  by  Mile  Gluck,  and  leaves  with  them  for  Vienna. 

Now,  you  must  know,  Monsieur,  that  the  French  Alceste  is  entirely  different 
from  the  Italian  Alceste  where  the  music  is  concerned.  Almost  all  the  arias  were 
entirely  rewritten.  Alceste  cannot,  therefore,  date  much  before  the  birth  of  the 
Olympiade.  Every  workman  is  known  by  the  works  of  his  trade.  I  transpose  arias 
and  I  claim  to  have  expert  knowledge  in  this.  I  can  therefore  declare  without  fear  of 
contradiction  that  the  aria  in  question  was  composed  for  the  works.  A  transposed 
aria  does  not  have  the  same  elegance  or  the  same  grace:  it  is  almost  impossible  to 
be  mistaken  in  this. 

Does  anyone  wish  to  confound  me  >.  I  have  indicated  the  means ;  let  the  original 
aria  be  engraved,  if  it  exists. 

If  M.  Gluck  is  the  hero  of  the  Anonyme,  M.  Sacchini  is  mine;  it  is  for  me  to 
come  to  his  defence,  when  he  is  not  in  a  position  to  defend  himself;  his  glory  is 
sufficiently  dear  to  me  that  I  should  continue  to  uphold  it.  I  have  sacrificed  my 
evenings  to  it,  together  with  such  little  pretension  as  I  might  have  had  to  literary 
merit  in  the  Colony  [La  Colonie),  a  sacrifice  Vv^hich  I  make  today  in  the  Olympiade. 


96  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

No  one  can  imagine  how  difficult  is  the  task  I  have  undertaken,  and,  when  the  task 
has  been  accomphshed,  I  shall  have  done  everything  for  M.  Sacchini's  reputation 
and  nothing  for  my  own.  I  shall  always  suffer  reproaches,  particularly  with  regard 
to  style,  because  all  the  pains  I  have  taken  will  count  for  nothing.  But  I  shall 
console  myself  with  the  pleasure  of  having  been  instrumental  in  causing  genuine 
music  to  be  played  in  our  great  theatre. 

It  is,  therefore,  not  generous  of  the  Anonyme  to  seek  to  warn  the  public  in 
advance  of  a  work  which  has  not  yet  been  submitted  for  their  judgment. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 
Framery. 

2  Antonio  Maria  Gasparo  Sacchini  was  born  in  Pozzuoli  near  Naples 
on  23rd  July  1734.  Rejoined  the  Conservatorio  Sant'  Onofrio  and  was  a  pupil 
of  Durante  together  with  Piccinni.  In  1756  he  made  his  debut  with  the  inter- 
mezzo Fra  Donate.  In  1762  he  moved  to  Rome  and  in  1763  became 
Director  of  the  Ospedaletto,  a  conservatoire  for  girls  in  Naples.  In  1771 
he  left  Italy  and  travelled  via  Munich  and  Stuttgart  to  London,  where  he  had 
a  number  of  successes  between  1772  and  1782.  Then  he  went  to  Paris,  where, 
to  begin  with,  he  produced  several  older  operas  with  French  librettos,  and, 
under  the  influence  of  Gluck's  Dardanus  (1784),  wrote  his  most  important 
work,  Oedipe  a  Colone,  which  had  its  premiere  on  4th  January  1786.  He  died  in 
Paris  on  8th  October  1786  [cf  Chr.  J.  Jagemann:  'Nachrichten  von  dem 
berühmten  Kapellmeister  Sacchini',  Neuer  teutscher  Merkur.  1796.  Part  9, 
p.  67]. 

^  Giuseppe  Millico  was  bom  in  Terlizzi  near  Naples  about  1730  (1739  ?)• 
He  was  a  famous  castrato  who  was  greatly  admired  not  only  by  Gluck, 
whose  niece  he  taught,  but  also  by  J.  P.  A.  Schulz.  He  lived  for  several  years 
in  Vienna,  then  went  to  London  and  Berlin.  In  1780  he  returned  to  Naples, 
where  he  was  engaged  at  the  Court  as  a  singer.  He  died  in  1 802. 
^  The  premiere  of  the  Italian  Alceste  had  taken  place  in  Vienna  on  i6th 
December  1767.  The  first  performance  abroad  was  on  ist  February  1775 
at  the  Castle  Theatre  at  Christianborg  under  the  direction  of  Paolo  Scalabrini, 
who  had  been  with  Gluck  in  the  Mingotti  troupe. 
^  The  part  of  Admetos  was  sung  at  the  premiere  by  Giuseppe  Tibaldi. 
^  The  text  of  the  aria  'Se  cerca,  se  dice'  is  from  Metastasio's  Olympiade. 
"^  Gluck's  Paride  ed  Elena  was  first  performed  in  Vienna  on  3rd  November 
1770. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  19th  February  1777] 

Vienna,  15th  January  1777. 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

Please  speak  with  Herr  von  BlumendorfF  so  that  he  gives  his 
brother  a  small  reprimand,  because,  after  I  had  enquired  three  times 
at  his  house,  he  sent  the  reply  each  time  that  nothing  had  arrived  for 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  97 

me,  and  only  on  nth  January  he  sends  me  the  packet  without  offer- 
ing any  plausible  excuse  for  this  delay,  which  is  why  I  have  received 
your  letter  thirteen  days  later.  I  send  you  the  contract,  although  it  is 
not  worth  while  drawing  up  a  document  for  such  a  trifle.  I  also  do 
not  believe  that  Mr  Peters  will  use  any  such  thing  against  me.  1 
would  ask  you  further,  most  esteemed  firiend,  to  give  me  rehable 
information  as  to  why,  on  whose  account  and  on  what  account 
Piccinni  has  been  called  to  Paris  and  what  he  is  receiving  in  the  way 
of  emoluments.  Send  me  some  entertaining  news.  I  hope  that  the 
roads  will  soon  be  good  and  that  I  shall  be  able  to  embrace  you  per- 
sonally. I  remain 

Your  most  devoted  servant 
Gluck. 
[Address :] 
To  Monsieur  from  Vienna 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
Chez  S.  E.  Mr.  L' Ambassadeur 
Imperial : 

a 

Paris 
au  petit  Luxembourg 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 
RepHed  Paris,  19th  February  1777] 

Vienna,  31st  January  1777 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

Your  letter  was  written  with  such  a  flavour  of  Klopstock  that  it 
really  gave  me  the  idea  of  completing  Hermannsschlacht.  You  see  what 
force  your  letters  have.  The  contract  with  Mr  Peters  requires  some 
interpretation,  for,  if  I  no  longer  come  to  Paris,  then  he  should  not 
pay  anything.  It  must  be  understood  to  mean  the  time  when  I  should 
arrive  in  Paris.  I  can  v^nrite  you  nothing  more;  I  do  not  know  whether 
the  courier  has  already  left  or  not.  Regards  from  my  wife  and  my- 
self to  you  and  to  H.  V.  Plumendorff  [Blumendorff  J.  Write  and  give 
me  all  the  news;  at  this  time  everything  must  be  humming  with 
theatrical  affairs, 

Your  most  devoted  servant . 
Gluck. 


98  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  1 8th  March  1777] 

Vienna,  3rd  March  1777 
Most  esteemed  friend ! 

I  am  obhged  to  you  for  the  news  you  sent  me  in  your  letter :  I  hope, 
with  God's  help,  to  be  able  to  embrace  you  for  certain  this  year  and 
perhaps  soon,  for  I  learn  that  they  are  thinking  of  presenting  Siege  de 
Cythere  again,  which  requires  my  presence.  With  regard  to  the 
Itahan  Alceste,  I  had  almost  expected  Marchand  to  play  one  of  his 
tricks.  Mr  Eberts^  has  asked  me  for  twenty-five  copies  for  despatch. 
He  has  received  them  and  I  am  forwarding  to  you  his  own  letter, 
which  will  acquaint  you  more  fully  with  the  facts  than  if  I  wrote  to 
you.  My  wife  and  I  send  our  best  regards  to  H.  V.  BlumendorfFand 
you  and  we  hope  soon  to  take  many  walks  with  you.  Meantime  I 
remain 

Most  esteemed  friend 

Your  most  Humble  servant 
Gluck. 

^  The  twenty-five  copies  of  the  Alceste  score  were  copies  of  the  Italian  score 
which  were  printed  in  1769  by  Johann  Thomas  von  Trattnem  in  Vienna  and 
which  bore  the  important  dedication  to  the  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of  Toscana, 
later  Emperor  Leopold  IL  Mr  Eberts  is  perhaps  the  Paris  engraver 
and  banker  Johann  Heinrich  Eberts,  who  is  frequently  mentioned  in 
the  journals  of  his  teacher,  the  well-known  copper-engraver  Joh.  Georg 
Wille. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

[Vienna]  30th  March  [1777] 
On  this  occasion,  dearest  friend,  I  can  write  nothing,  for  the 
courier  is  leaving  too  soon,  having  barely  arrived.  I  hope  for  certain 
to  embrace  you  in  the  month  of  Aprü  or  at  the  beginning  of  May,^ 
with  God's  help.  Adieu.  Keep  a  little  affection  for  me.  Our  regards 
to  H.  V.  Blumendorff. 
[Address : 

A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
Chez  S.E.M.  L' Ambassadeur 
Imp.  et  Roy. 

ä 
Paris 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  99 

^  Gluck  did  not  arrive  in  Paris  until  the  29th  with  his  wife.  'Mr  le  Chevalier 
Gluck,  author  of  the  operas  Orphec,  Iphigenie  and  Alceste,  arrived  on  the  even- 
ing before  last;  he  is  lodging  in  the  rue  des  Fossoyeurs  .  .  .',  the  Journal  de 
Paris  announced  on  3  ist  May.  Early  in  July  the  rehearsals  ofArmide  began,  and 
after  long  and  careful  preparations  the  first  performance  of  this  masterpiece 
took  place  on  23rd  September.  The  return  journey  began  in  February 
of  the  following  year  [Mhioires  secretes,  XI,  72);  on  ist  March,  after  a 
laborious  journey,  Gluck  arrived  back  in  Vienna. 


[To  Jean  pRANgois  de  Laharpe/  French] 

[October  1777] 
It  is  impossible,  sir,  for  me  to  do  anything  but  agree  with  the  intel- 
ligent observations  on  my  opera  that  appear  in  the  number  of  your 
journal  for  the  fifth  of  this  month;  I  find  in  it  nothing,  absolutely 
nothing,  to  contravene. 

I  have  been  simple  enough  to  believe,  till  now,  that  music,  like 
the  other  arts,  embraces  the  whole  sphere  of  the  passions,  and  that  it 
cannot  please  less  when  it  expresses  the  troubles  of  a  madman  and  the 
cry  of  grief,  than  when  it  paints  the  sighs  of  love. 

II  n'est  point  de  serpent  ni  de  monstre  odieux. 
Qui,  par  I'art  imite,  ne  puisse  plaire  aux  yeux. 

I  have  thought  that  this  rule  should  hold  in  music  equally  as  in 
poetry.  I  have  persuaded  myself  that  song,  when  it  thoroughly  takes 
the  colour  of  the  feeling  it  is  to  express,  should  be  as  various  and  as 
many-sided  as  feeling  itself;  in  fine,  that  the  voices,  the  instruments, 
the  tones,  even  the  pauses,  should  strive  after  one  end — expression — 
and  the  agreement  between  the  words  and  the  song  should  be  such 
that  neither  the  poem  should  seem  to  be  made  for  the  music  nor  the 
music  for  the  poem. 

However,  this  was  not  my  only  error;  I  thought  I  had  noticed 
that  the  French  language  was  less  rhythmical  than  the  Itahan,  and 
that  it  had  not  the  same  definition  in  the  syllables ;  I  was  astonished 
at  the  difference  between  the  singers  of  the  two  nations,  as  I  found  the 
voices  of  the  one  soft  and  phable,  those  of  the  other  stronger  and 
more  suited  for  the  drama ;  and  so  I  had  decided  that  Itahan  melody 
could  not  link  itself  with  French  words.  Then,  when  I  came  to 
examine  the  scores  of  their  old  operas,  I  found  that  in  spite  of  the 
trills,  runs,  and  other  inappropriate  devices  with  which  they  were 
overladen,  there  were  yet  so  many  genuine  beauties  in  them  that  I 
was  prompted  to  beheve  that  the  French  had  within  themselves  aU 
that  was  required  to  do  good  work. 


100  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

These  were  my  ideas  before  I  had  read  your  observations.  Now, 
however,  you  have  Hghtened  my  darkness ;  I  am  wholly  astonished 
that  in  a  few  hours  you  have  made  more  observations  on  my  art 
than  I  myself  in  a  practical  experience  of  forty  years.  You  prove  to 
me  that  it  is  sufficient  to  be  a  well-read  man,  in  order  to  speak  on 
everything.  Now  I  am  convinced  that  the  ItaHan  is  the  most  excel- 
lent, the  true  music ;  that  the  melody,  if  it  is  to  please,  must  be  regular 
and  periodic,  and  that  even  in  a  moment  of  confusion,  where  we 
have  to  do  with  the  vocal  utterances  of  several  persons  swayed  by 
varying  passions,  the  composer  must  still  maintain  this  regularity 
of  melody. 

I  agree  with  you  that  of  all  my  compositions  Orfeo  alone  is  support- 
able; and  I  sincerely  beg  the  forgiveness  of  the  gods  of  taste  for 
having  deafened  the  hearers  of  my  other  operas;  the  number  of  their 
representations  and  the  applause  the  pubhc  has  been  good  enough  to 
bestow  on  them  do  not  prevent  my  seeing  how  pitiable  they  are.  I 
am  so  convinced  of  it  that  I  wish  to  re-write  them;  and  as  I  see  that 
you  are  passionate  for  tender  music,  I  will  put  in  the  mouth  of  the 
furious  Achilles  a  song  so  tender  and  so  sweet,  that  all  the  spectators 
will  be  moved  to  tears. 

As  for  Armide,  I  will  be  very  careful  to  leave  the  poem  as  it  is ;  for, 
as  you  very  perspicaciously  observe,  'the  operas  of  Quinault,  al- 
though full  of  beauties,  are  yet  not  well  adapted  for  music;  they  are 
fme  poems  but  bad  operas'.  So  that  if  they  are  written  to  bad  poems, 
which,  according  to  your  view,  wiU  make  fme  operas,  I  beg  you  to 
introduce  me  to  a  poet  who  will  put  Armide  in  order,  and  give  two 
airs  to  each  scene.  We  wiU  between  us  settle  the  quantity  and  measure 
of  the  verse,  and  when  the  syllables  are  complete  I  will  take  the  rest 
on  my  ov^ni  shoulders.  I,  for  my  part,  will  go  over  the  music  again, 
and  conscientiously  strike  out,  according  to  reason,  all  the  loud 
instruments,  especially  the  kettle-drums  and  trumpets;  I  wiU  take 
care  that  nothing  shall  be  heard  in  my  orchestra  but  oboes,  flutes, 
French  horns,  and  muted  violins.  And  there  wiU  be  no  more  ques- 
tion whence  the  text  of  the  airs  was  taken;  this  can  no  longer  matter, 
since  we  have  already  taken  up  our  position. 

Then  will  the  part  of  Armide  no  longer  be  a  monotonous  and 
fatiguing  shriek;  she  will  no  longer  be  a  Medea,  a  sorceress,  but  an 
enchantress ;  I  will  make  her,  when  in  despair,  sing  an  aria  so  regular, 
so  periodic,  and  at  the  same  time  so  tender,  that  the  petite  maitresse 
most  afflicted  with  the  vapours  will  be  able  to  listen  to  it  without  the 
least  damage  to  her  nerves. 


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WOLFGANG    HERIBERT    FRH. 
VON    DALBERG 

From  a  silhouette  in  the  Schiller- 
National-Museum,  Marhach 


FRANCOIS   ARNAUD 

Euiirat'iinJ  hy  L.  Valpcr^a  [i'/8^)from  a 
pai\ni\i\i  hy  J.  S.  Duplcssis 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  loi 

If  some  wicked  person  should  say  to  me,  'Sir,  be  careful  that 
Armide  mad  does  not  express  herself  like  Armide  amorous,'  I  will 
reply:  'Sir,  I  do  not  wish  to  frighten  the  ear  of  M.  de  La  Harpe;  I 
do  not  wish  to  contravene  nature;  I  wish  to  embelHsh  it;  instead  of 
making  Armide  cry  out,  I  want  her  to  enchant  you.'  If  he  insists, 
and  shows  me  that  Sophocles,  in  the  fmest  of  his  tragedies,  dared  to 
show  to  the  Athenians  Oedipus  with  his  bloody  eyes,  and  that  the 
recitative  or  the  kind  of  arioso  by  which  the  eloquent  plaints  of  the 
unfortunate  King  were  rendered  must  have  expressed  the  deepest 
sorrow,  I  will  retort  that  M.  de  La  Harpe  does  not  wish  to  hear  the 
cry  of  a  man  in  suffering.  Have  I  not  well  grasped,  sir,  the  meaning 
of  the  doctrine  laid  down  in  your  observations  ?  I  have  done  some 
of  my  friends  the  pleasure  of  letting  them  read  your  remarks. 

'We  must  be  grateful,'  said  one  of  them  as  he  handed  them  back  to 
me;  'M.  de  La  Harpe  has  given  you  excellent  advice;  it  is  his  con- 
fession of  faith  in  music;  do  thou  hkewise.  Get  all  his  works  in 
poetry  and  Hterature,  and  search  out  in  them  everything  that  pleases 
you  through  your  friendship  for  him.  Many  people  maintain  that 
criticism  does  nothing  more  than  upset  the  artist ;  and  to  prove  it, 
they  say,  the  poets  have  at  no  time  had  more  judges  than  now,  and 
yet  were  never  more  mediocre  than  at  present.  But  get  the  journal- 
ists here  together  in  council,  and  if  you  ask  them,  they  will  tell  you 
that  nothing  is  so  useful  to  the  State  as  a  journal.  One  might  object 
to  you,  that,  as  a  musician,  you  had  no  right  to  speak  about  poetry; 
but  is  it  not  equally  astoundmg  to  see  a  poet,  a  man  of  letters,  who 
wants  to  have  despotic  opinions  on  music  ?' 

That  is  what  my  friend  told  me;  his  reasons  seemed  to  me  very 
well  founded.  But,  in  spite  of  my  regard  for  you,  I  feel.  Monsieur, 
after  due  reflection,  that  I  cannot  possibly  become  involved,  with- 
out incurring  the  fate  of  the  expositor  who,  in  the  presence  of  Hanni- 
bal, gave  a  long  discourse  on  the  art  of  war. 

^  Jean  pRANgois  de  Laharpe  was  bom  in  Paris  on  20th  November  1739. 
He  was  a  poet  and  critic.  He  made  several  sharp  attacks  on  Gluck's  music. 
He  died  in  Paris  on  nth  February  1803.  The  article  by  Laharpe,  to  which 
Gluck's  letter  was  a  reply,  appeared  on  5th  October  in  tixe  Journal  de  Politique 
et  de  Litterature  and  ran  as  follows : 


[Laharpe  to  Journal  de  Politique  et  de  Littirature.  French] 

On  Tuesday  the  23  rd  M.  Gluck's  Armide  appeared  for  the  first  time.  At  the 
moment  of  writing  this  article,  one  can  only  take  account  of  the  effect  of  this 

C.G.-H 


102  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

first  performance.  It  was  very  mediocre.  The  first  act  and  part  of  the  fifth  were 
applauded.  The  three  others  were  given  a  very  cold  reception.  Such  is  the  general 
impression.  As  regards  the  details,  the  chorus  'Poursuivons  jusqu'au  trepas 
I'ennemi  qui  nous  offense  etc.',  appears  to  have  given  satisfaction,  a  chorus  preceded 
by  a  word  of  which  the  musician  has  made  such  a  happy  use:  'Un  seul  guerrier ! 
un  seul!  un  seul!'  This  cry  of  astonishment  passes  from  mouth  to  mouth  at  the 
moment  when  Armide  learns  that  a  lone  warrior  has  set  her  prisoners  free.  This 
is  an  ingenious  idea  and  it  is  a  creation  of  the  musician.  Another  chorus  which  to 
my  mind  is  much  finer  is  that  of  Hate  in  the  third  act: 

Plus  on  connoit  1' Amour,  et  plus  on  le  deteste: 
Detruisons  son  pouvoir  funeste; 
Brisons  ses  traits,  eteignons  son  flambeau. 

After  this  infernal  imprecation,  which  is  terrifying  in  its  effect,  the  musician 
places  in  the  mouths  of  the  demons  words  which  the  poet  gives  to  Hate : 

Infortunee  Armide, 

Suis  I'Amour  qui  te  guide 

Dans  un  abyme  affreux. 

Mournful  and  sinister  chords,  following  upon  a  furious  storm  of  sound,  make 
a  most  apt  variety  and  arouse  in  advance  sympathy  and  pity  for  Armide's  mis- 
fortunes. This  again  is  a  truly  dramatic  idea,  which  stems  from  the  musician. 

The  duet  between  Renaud  and  Armide  in  the  first  scene  of  the  fifth  act  is  of 
the  very  highest  quality,  full  of  tenderness  and  charm.  It  is  one  of  the  very  small 
number  of  vocal  pieces  which  one  perceives  from  time  to  time  in  M.  Gluck's 
compositions. 

The  monologue,  'Plus  j 'observe  ces  lieux,  etc.',  was  successful  largely  by  virtue 
of  the  accompaniments.  The  arias  in  the  fourth  act  seemed  pleasant  but  common. 
They  are  shepherdesses  who  sing  but  these  shepherdesses  are  fantastic,  and  the 
music  should  have  a  fairy-like  quality  instead  of  resembling  an  ordinary  pastoral. 
The  decor  must  be  held  solely  responsible  for  the  absurdity  of  making  these  alleged 
shepherdesses  enter  a  cloud  through  a  doorway,  at  the  moment  when  the  magic 
ring  makes  them  disappear;  it  is  the  first  time  anyone  ever  thought  of  putting  a 
door  in  a  cloud. 

In  the  role  of  Armide,  apart  from  the  duet  of  which  I  have  just  spoken,  this 
passage  roused  applause: 

Le  perfide  Renaud  me  fuit ; 
Tout  perfide  qu'il  est,  mon  lache  coeur  le  suit. 

There  we  have  one  of  those  cries  of  grief  which  are  amongst  M.  Gluck's 
great  media  and  which,  well  placed  and  well  treated,  give  to  the  recitative  a  wealth 
of  expression  which  it  did  not  possess  before  him.  But  when  these  cries  are  repeated 
too  often,  when  one  hears  them  constantly  as  in  Iphigenie  and  in  Alceste;  when 
even  in  the  arias  they  take  the  place  of  those  vocal  passages  which  are  both  moving 
and  melodious,  which  penetrate  to  the  soul  without  frightening  the  ear,  and  which 
one  so  admires  in  the  fine  arias  of  the  Italians  and  their  pupils;  then  one  is  deafened 
rather  than  moved;  this  harsh  disturbance  of  the  organs  interferes  with  the  emotion 
of  the  soul ;  one  observes  that  the  author  has  too  often  put  all  his  expression  into  the 
noise  and  all  the  means  at  his  disposal  into  the  cries.  This  affectation  to  counterfeit 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  103 

nature  is  very  different  from  an  art  based  upon  an  embellished  imitation,  which 
must  please  by  its  resemblance.  I  do  not  wish  to  hear  the  cry  of  a  man  in  pain.  I 
expect  from  the  musician  as  an  artist  that  he  will  fmd  accents  of  grief  without 
making  them  unpleasant ;  I  wish  him  to  flatter  my  ear  while  penetrating  my  heart ; 
I  wish  the  charm  of  the  melody  to  mingle  with  the  emotion  I  feel.  I  wish  to  carry 
away  in  my  memory  his  harmonious  lamentation,  which  should  still  resound  long 
after  in  my  ears,  arousing  in  me  the  desire  to  hear  it  again  and  to  repeat  it  myself. 
But  if  I  have  merely  heard  cries  of  despair  and  convulsive  moans,  I  may  find  it 
very  true  to  life,  but  so  true  that  I  will  not  return  to  it. 

The  part  of  Armide,  almost  from  one  end  to  the  other,  is  one  monotonous 
and  fatiguing  shriek.  The  musician  has  made  her  a  Medea  and  has  forgotten  that 
Armide  is  an  enchantress,  not  a  sorceress.  Moreover,  he  has  been  very  badly  served 
here  by  the  poem,  which  is  full  of  dramatic  beauty  but  in  a  measure  which  is  not 
at  all  favourable  to  music.  This  eternal  recitative  is,  of  necessity,  without  effect.  I 
appeal  to  all  spectators  of  good  faith,  to  all  those  who  know  this  famous  monologue 
by  heart, 

'Enfin  il  est  en  ma  puissance,  etc' 

This  piece,  if  declaimed  with  moderation,  would  make  a  very  lively  impression. 
It  produced  none,  absolutely  none  with  M.  Gluck's  music.  Now,  what  could  be 
more  absurd  than  to  ally  two  arts,  one  of  which  weakens  the  other?  Let  us  recall 
Armide's  dream, 

'Et  par  un  charme  inconcevable, 
Je  me  sentois  contrainte  ä  le  trouver  aimable, 
Dans  le  fatal  moment  qu'il  me  per9oit  le  cceur.' 

Declaim  these  beautiful  verses  and  they  will  delight  you;  listen  to  them  in  the 
opera  Armide  and  they  will  freeze  you.  Look  at  the  first  scene,  that  sublime  reply 
by  Armide,  who,  after  being  regaled  for  a  long  time  with  the  glory  of  her  charms, 
which  triumph  over  all  the  Crusaders,  cries : 

'Je  ne  triomphe  pas  du  plus  vaillant  de  tous.* 

Let  a  good  actress  speak  this  line  and  it  will  fill  you  with  delight :  in  the  opera,  when 
this  line  was  sung,  it  was  no  different  by  one  iota  from  the  long  chorus  which  has 
just  been  sung  by  Armide's  attendants  and  with  which  it  should  present  such  a 
striking  contrast.  I  am  giving  an  account  of  what  I  experienced,  as  I  have  already 
done  when  I  spoke  of  M.  Gluck's  first  productions.  While  paying  homage  to  his 
talents,  I  took  the  liberty  of  pointing  out  with  much  reserve  all  that  his  works  left 
to  be  desired.  Heatedly  contradicted  by  his  enthusiastic  supporters,  I  set  about 
reading  what  had  been  written  on  this  subject  by  men  whose  talents  and  know- 
ledge are  not  disputed,  amongst  others  the  author  of  the  Essai  sur  Vunion  de  la 
Poisie  et  de  la  Musique,^  an  excellent  work,  full  of  sound  views  and  illuminating 
principles.  I  was  quite  flattered,  I  admit,  to  see  that  the  ideas  of  the  most  enlightened 
men  coincided  with  my  feelings  and  their  science  with  my  instinct.  Encouraged 
by  this  accord,  I  venture  here  to  make  my  profession  of  faith  in  music.  I  well  know 
that  this  means  running  great  risks,  and  of  all  forms  of  tolerance  which  people 
have  been  demanding  for  so  long,  tolerance  in  music  is  perhaps  the  most  difficult 
to  attain.  But  what  encourages  me  is  my  feeling  of  certainty  that,  whatever  methods 
may  be  adopted  to  oppose  me,  I  will  not  be  engaged  in  a  war  and  that  those  who 


104  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

might  feel  inclined  to  do  so  will  do  it  alone.  At  ease  on  this  score,  I  believe  that  an 
article  of  such  importance  in  the  history  of  the  arts  must  not  be  omitted  from  this 
journal. 

M.  Gluck  is  undoubtedly  a  man  of  genius,  since  he  has  written  Orphee  and 
several  pieces  in  his  other  operas  which  are  worthy  of  his  Orphee.  His  operas  are 
the  first  to  be  constructed  on  a  pattern  which  is  both  musical  and  dramatic, 
whether  he  himself  designed  this  pattern,  as  his  supporters  claim  in  his  honour,  or 
whether  he  followed  that  of  Calzabigi  in  Orphee  and  that  of  Count  Algaroti 
in  Iphigenie.  However  that  may  be,  these  operas  were  the  first  to  be  purged  of 
the  defects  found  in  the  Italian  and  French  operas.  The  dramas  of  Metastasio, 
very  pleasant  to  read,  like  those  of  Quinault,  always  presented  on  the  stage  a 
double  or  triple  intrigue,  which  destroyed  unity  and  so  destroyed  interest.  Almost 
all  his  arias  were  placed  at  the  end  of  scenes  in  order  to  preserve  the  custom  whereby 
the  singer  or  virtuoso  emerged  from  the  theatre  after  having  sung  her  or  his 
aria.  Thus  detached  from  the  dialogue,  these  arias  had  become  all  too  often  a 
brilliant  hors  d'oeuvre  in  which  the  musician  employed  all  his  artistry  in  order  to 
show  an  actress's  vocal  chords  to  the  best  advantage.  And  yet  this  same  hors 
d'oeuvre  was,  and  even  still  is,  the  only  thing  that  sustains  the  Italian  opera,  because 
little  interest  is  aroused  by  a  drama  divided  into  two  or  three  episodes,  besides 
which  the  excessive  length  of  the  spectacle  and  the  naked  simplicity  of  an  insipid 
recitative  also  do  not  attract  much  attention. 

On  the  other  hand,  French  opera,  with  its  surfeit  of  ballets,  usually  divorced 
from  the  action,  and  with  its  lack  of  arias  was  little  more  than  an  eternal  recitative; 
one  found  harmony  only  in  a  few  choruses  by  Rameau  and  melody  in  his  dance 
airs,  the  most  perfect  ever  composed. 

Orphee,  devoid  of  all  these  faults,  could  not  but  succeed  in  Italy  and  in  France; 
in  Italy  because,  apart  from  its  beautiful  music,  one  found  for  the  first  time  a 
coherent  whole,  a  spectacle  confined  within  the  limits  of  a  reasonable  duration, 
a  drama  holding  the  interest  by  its  unity,  despite  faults  of  verisimihtude,  and  finally 
a  recitative  which  was  better  contrived,  stronger  and  better  adapted  to  the  scene ; 
in  France,  because  one  heard  for  the  first  time  in  our  lyrical  theatre  those  expressive 
airs  applied  to  dramatic  situations,  because  for  the  first  time  in  this  opera  and  in 
Iphiginie  before  it,  formal  song  formed  part  of  the  scene,  which  previously  was 
dominated  either  by  the  soporific  uniformity  of  recitatives  or  the  din  of  choruses. 

Such  is  the  welcome  revolution  of  which  M.  Gluck  is  the  author  and  for  which 
he  deserves  everlasting  honour.  But  by  a  strange  quirk  of  Fate  and  by  a  kind  of 
contradiction  between  what  he  did  in  the  beginning  and  what  he  is  doing  today, 
he  may  be  retarding  the  progress  of  an  art  which  he  had  at  first  stimulated.  Let 
me  explain  myself.  It  may  be  that  the  very  nature  of  his  talent  impels  him  to 
flights  of  harmony  rather  than  to  the  invention  of  song  and  that,  being  strong  and 
fertile  in  the  instrumental  part,  he  is  weak  and  poor  in  melody,  which,  however, 
like  style  in  poetry,  is  the  happiest  and  rarest  quality  in  music ;  it  may  be  that  certain 
specific  ideas  have  become  allied  to  his  natural  talent;  it  may  be  that  he  had  the 
ambition  to  create  a  theatrical  music  all  his  own  and  so  to  avoid  any  comparison; 
it  may  be  that  all  these  causes  were  joined  together;  however  that  may  be,  it  is 
certain  that,  with  the  exception  of  Orphee,  M.  Gluck  in  his  other  compositions 
seems  to  have  set  out  to  banish  the  song  from  lyrical  drama,  and  he  appears  to  be 
convinced,  as  his  supporters  constantly  assert,  that  the  song  is  contrary  to  the 
nature  of  dialogue,  to  the  development  of  the  scenes,  and  to  the  action  as  a  whole. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  105 

Such  a  religion  could  not  prosper  in  Italy;  people  there  love  music  too  much. 
Moreover,  he  has  only  risked  his  Orphie  there,  an  opera  wliich  contains  music. 
But  in  France,  where  he  made  his  debut  with  Iphigenie,  which  was  highly  successful, 
he  may  have  thought  that  he  would  find  it  so  much  easier  to  establish  his  system, 
as  those  Frenchmen  who  had  seen  the  Italian  opera  had  been  mainly  impressed 
by  its  defects.  M.  Gluck  could  find  great  advantages  in  building  on  a  completely 
new  pattern.  Although  there  are  some  fine  songs  in  Orphee,  those  of  Galuppi,^  of 
Jomelli,^  of  Sacchini  and  of  Piccinni,  those  admirable  airs  which  are  sung  from 
one  end  of  Europe  to  the  other,  those  masterpieces  of  emotion  and  melody  in 
which  the  composers  carry  the  expression  of  feeling  to  its  highest  pitch  and  so 
eschew  the  false  ornaments  with  which  the  ItaUans  have  so  justly  been  reproached, 
these  great  works  might  offer  a  comparison  in  which  all  the  superiority  would  not 
have  been  on  the  side  of  the  author  o£  Orphee.  But  if  the  song  is  removed,  if  the 
opera  relies  upon  a  livelier  recitative,  on  better  constructed  and  more  picturesque 
choruses  with  pieces  of  obbligato  recitative  to  bring  out  the  skill  of  the  accompani- 
ments, it  is  clear  that  M.  Gluck  has  created  a  new  art,  that  he  stands  alone  in  his 
sphere  and  that  his  place  is  unique. 

The  course  he  has  followed  in  successive  compositions  makes  these  ideas  very 
probable.  There  is  little  song  in  Iphiginie;  the  airs  are  weak  and  poor.  There  is 
still  less  in  Alceste.  Finally,  he  decided  to  work  on  an  old  opera,  cut  into  five  acts, 
full  of  long  monologues,  in  which  there  is  not  a  single  air  suitable  for  a  formal  song, 
if  it  is  not  in  the  ballets ;  and  when  all  musicians  are  agreed  in  thinking  that 
Quinault's  operas,  though  full  of  beauty,  are  planned  in  a  manner  that  is  not  very 
favourable  to  music,  M.  Gluck  alone  is  unaware  of  this  difficulty.  What  is  one  to 
conclude  from  this  strange  enterprise  except  that  the  author  is  persuaded  that  airs 
full  of  expression,  which  alone  are  suited  to  dramatic  songs,  are  not  at  all  necessary 
for  lyrical  drama  and  that  with  choral  recitative,  with  harmony,  one  is  certain  to 
arrive  at  a  perfect  spectacle  ? 

Listen  to  the  maxims  propounded  by  his  supporters  and  you  will  find  con- 
firmation of  this  doctrine.  They  admire  in  him  the  art  of  following  the  exact 
sense  of  the  words,  which,  they  say,  is  alone  in  conformity  with  the  spirit  of  the 
scene.  They  are  accustomed  to  see  in  the  Italian  airs  only  the  defects  which  frequently 
disfigure  them,  and  where  an  art  is  abused  they  conclude  that  it  does  not  exist. 
They  agree  that  many  of  these  airs  are  in  the  simplest  and  purest  taste,  expressing 
all  the  passions  of  tenderness,  grief  and  jealousy  and  designed  to  move  as  much  as 
to  please,  but  they  persist  in  maintaining  that  these  airs  which  depict  passions  in 
general  cannot  express  a  particular  situation  and  that,  if  they  bring  tears  to  the  eyes 
of  a  concert  audience,  they  will  chill  a  theatre  audience.  Such  is  their  doctrine.  I 
confess  that  it  will  never  be  mine. 

I  think,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  is  in  the  expressive  melody  of  these  airs  that  the 
primary  power,  the  main  charm  of  the  music  resides ;  that  in  every  opera  provision 
should  be  made  in  each  scene  for  one  or  two  of  these  airs  designed  to  explain  the 
situation  of  the  character,  unless  the  scene  is  such  as  to  make  a  duet,  a  trio,  a  quartet 
or  a  chorus  more  natural  and  in  keeping  with  the  action;  that  this  modem 
melopoeia,  this  'noted'  declamation  which  is  to  replace  the  formal  song,  is  some- 
times expressive,  all  too  often  monotonous  and  shrill,  and  generally  very  inferior 
to  natural  declamation,  and  it  should  not  be  used  unless  it  is  needed  to  state  some- 
thing factual  and  to  introduce  the  song;  that  sound  as  such,  being  a  rapid  and 
fleeting  sensation,  can  only  make  a  strong  impression  if  it  is  reproduced  in  a 


io6  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

variety  of  forms  without  damaging  the  overall  unity  of  the  plan,  in  those  repetitions 
which  the  ear  waits  for  and  hears  again  with  so  much  pleasure — in  short,  all  the 
riches  of  regular  and  periodic  song. 

The  objection  has  been  made  that  it  is  not  natural  to  sing  an  air  of  this  kind  in  an 
impassioned  situation,  that  it  is  a  way  of  arresting  the  scene  and  damaging  the 
effect. 

I  find  these  objections  completely  illusory.  To  begin  with,  if  one  is  to  admit  the 
song,  then  one  must  admit  it  at  its  most  beautiful  and  it  is  no  more  natural  to  sing 
badly  than  to  sing  well.  All  the  arts  are  founded  on  conventions,  on  certain  basic 
factors.  When  I  go  to  the  Opera,  it  is  to  hear  music.  I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that  Alceste  did  not  bid  farewell  to  Admetos  by  singing  an  aria,  but,  as  Alceste 
is  on  the  stage  to  sing,  if  her  grief  and  her  love  are  communicated  to  me  in  a  very 
melodious  aria,  I  will  enjoy  her  song  and  at  the  same  time  become  interested  in  her 
misfortune.  For  I  have  come  for  that,  just  as,  when  I  go  to  see  Zaire^  at  the  Comedie 
Fran^aise,  I  expect  to  weep  over  the  unhappiness  of  love  and  to  hear  charming 
verses. 

Furthermore,  why  should  an  air  of  this  kind,  with  whatever  breadth  of 
expression  the  music  finds  in  it,  arrest  the  action?  Why  should  it  chill  me,  if  it  is 
well  placed,  if  it  expresses  the  feelings  of  the  character,  if  it  never  deviates  from  the 
main  motif?  And  what  other  means  has  the  character  to  bring  his  situation  home  to 
me  and  move  me  deeply?  Is  it  this  recitative,  which,  more  often  than  not,  makes 
me  wish  he  would  talk?  This  aria,  which  is  to  be  forbidden  him,  is  what  I  am 
waiting  for  in  order  to  be  moved.  I  am  waiting  to  hear  what  is  in  his  soul,  for 
song  is  his  language.  Let  us  consult  actual  experience.  What !  in  Lucile,  in  Silvain, 
in  the  Colonic,^  where,  by  a  bizarre  alliance,  music  follows  on  the  words,  a 
melodious  and  emotional  air  moves  me  to  tears,  and  I  would  not  succumb  to  the 
same  illusion  if  a  formal  song  followed  upon  a  recitative !  I  shall  never  be  able  to 
understand  such  an  improbable  reasoning. 

Let  us  go  further.  So  great  is  the  appeal  of  good  music  that  it  pleases  even  when 
it  is  misplaced.  Nothing,  surely,  is  less  reasonable  than  the  famous  duet  of  Orpheus 
and  Eurydice.  What  intolerable  torments !  For  their  grief  is  certainly  devoid  of 
all  reason.  But  this  duet  is  so  beautiful  that  improbability  is  forgotten,  and,  if  the 
music  produces  this  effect,  even  when  it  is  out  of  place,  can  one  say  that  it  will 
arrest  the  action  when  it  is  well  placed  ? 

I  will  say  then  to  M.  Gluck,  in  conclusion,  'I  prefer  your  Orphee.  It  has  pleased 
you,  since  that  time,  to  write  as  little  melody  as  possible.  You  have  given  up 
that  truly  lyrical  plan  of  a  drama  interspersed  with  airs,  which  you  yourself 
have  expounded  to  us.  You  have  come  back  to  Armide,  which  is  a  very  fine  poem 
and  a  bad  opera,  to  establish  the  reign  of  your  melopoeia,  sustained  by  your  choruses 
and  your  orchestra.  I  admire  your  choruses  and  the  resources  of  your  harmony. 
I  could  wish  you  to  be  more  prodigal  in  your  melopoeia,  and  that  it  were  more 
adapted  to  the  French  phrase;  that  it  were  less  broken  and  less  noisy;  and  above 
all,  I  could  wish  for  some  arias.  For  I  like  the  music  one  sings  and  the  verses  one 
carries  away.' 

'I  am  not  unaware  that  this  opinion  is  strongly  opposed  to  that  of  several  of 
your  friends,  whom  I  like  and  esteem  infinitely.  But  as,  in  order  to  like  and  esteem 
each  other,  it  is  not  necessary  to  hold  the  same  opinions  on  music,  I  hope  they  will 
pardon  my  ignorance,  and  that  they  will  be  content  to  regard  me  as  a  free-lance, 
who,  being  of  good  faith,  can  never  be  sectarian,  and  whose  heresy  is  not  dangerous.' 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  107 

^  Francois  Jean  Marquis  de  Chastelloux,  author  of  the  essay  referred 
to  (wliich  was  pubhshed  in  Paris,  1763)  was  born  in  Paris  in  1734,  and  also 
pubhshed  a  translation  of  Algarotti's  Saggio  sopra  l' opera  in  1773.  He  died  in 
Paris,  28th  October  1788. 

^  Baldassare  Galuppi  (born  on  the  island  of  Burano  near  Venice  in  1706) 
was  senior  conductor  at  San  Marco  and  Director  of  Music  at  the  Ospitale 
degl'incurabili  in  Venice  from  1762  onwards.  He  also  conducted  in  London 
and  St  Petersburg  and  had  a  European  reputation  as  a  composer  of  opera. 
^  NiccoLO  JOMMELLi  (bom  at  Aversa/Naples  on  loth  September  1714, 
died  in  Naples  on  25th  August  1774)  composed  in  Italy  and  Vienna  and, 
from  1753  to  1769,  in  Stuttgart.  He  became  known  as  a  composer  both  of 
opera  and  of  church  music. 
*  Zaire,  tragedy  by  Voltaire  (1732). 

^LuciLE,  opera  by  Gretry  (Paris,  1769).  Silvain,  opera  by  Gretry  (Paris, 
1770).  La  Colonie,  i.e.  Saccliini's  opera,  L'Isola  d'Amore  (Rome,  1766),  was 
given  in  Paris,  in  a  French  translation,  under  this  name  in  1775. 


[From  Antoine  Fabre^  to  Gluck.  French] 

[before  i6th  October  1777] 
Monsieur, 

I  had  not  read  the  remarks  o£  the  Journal  de  Litterature;  your  letter,  inserted  in 
the  Paris  journal,  made  me  anxious  to  read  them.  What  was  my  surprise  to  find 
that  I  did  not  see  things  from  the  same  viewpoint  as  you.  One  might  be  tempted 
to  beheve  that  the  remarks  attributed  to  M.  de  la  Harpe  [sic]  are  by  a  musician 
and  that  your  letter  was  written  by  a  journalist.  These  little  sarcastic  asides,  the 
knack  of  evading  the  question,  all  these  subtleties  seem  quite  unlike  a  famous 
artist.  You  seek  to  escape  as  if  you  felt  you  were  wrong:  or  is  it  perhaps  that 
musicians  are  like  pretty  women  who  want  to  be  loved  without  scrutiny  ? 

Your  ideas  could  not  be  more  apposite:  the  song  and  the  periodic  song  are 
frequently  misplaced.  You  have  done  a  great  service  by  restoring  to  its  function 
of  expressing  nature  an  art  which  even  the  greatest  masters  have  sometimes  abused; 
Italy  herself  pays  you  this  tribute.  But  have  you  not  sometimes  gone  too  far  in 
wishing  to  follow  the  intemperance  of  the  passions  and  the  convulsive  movement 
that  accompanies  them;  Reasonable  people  will  be  very  much  of  your  opinion: 
if  in  sacrificing  all  else  to  pure  singing  one  stifles  interest,  if  absurdity,  which  is 
perhaps  too  common,  has  substituted  agreeable  songs  for  a  powerful  situation, 
if  an  abandoned  lover  sings  a  rondeau,  a  romance  or  merely  a  brilliant  aria,  who 
would  not  regard  such  extravagances  as  an  artistic  abuse?  But  this  is  not  the 
question.  All  we  are  concerned  about  is  whether  an  air  written  purely  and  formally 
(despite  the  show  of  ridicule  invoked  by  it)  is  not  susceptible  of  great  expression. 
I  believe  that  there  are  many  examples  to  prove  that  it  can  be;  you  yourself  have 
produced  airs,  the  beauty  and  warmth  of  which  cry  out  to  be  sung.  All  one  need 
know  is  how  to  write  and  how  to  place  them;  with  regard  to  this,  you  and  the 
greatest  maestros  in  Italy  have  supphed  the  proof.  If  today  attempts  are  made,  I 
know  not  why,  to  prove  the  contrary,  is  there  not  some  justification  for  being 
scandalized  by  the  comments  of  those  whose  enthusiasm,  whether  feigned  or  mis- 
guided, is  so  biassed  that,  if  it  were  a  general  affair,  it  would  do  injury  to  the  nation  ? 
How  is  it  possible,  Monsieur,  to  argue  that  passion  is  constantly  unbalanced  and 


io8  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

without  repose  >  It  is  well  known  that  great  movements  must  not  be  confined  by 
measure,  cadence,  etc.,  and  that  there  must  be  the  recitative  obbligato  in  which  you 
so  excel ;  but  when  Nature,  tired  of  effort,  reverts  to  one  sole  interest,  to  one  feeling 
which  is  the  amalgam  of  the  crowd  of  emotions  to  which  one  has  been  subject, 
it  is  this  one  feeling  which  remans  in.  all  its  force  and  to  which  Nature  returns  and  is 
reduced  despite  herself.  Do  you  then  believe  that  an  air,  which  is  well  measured, 
has  a  good  motif,  is  well  executed  and  completed,  does  not  add  to  the  situation, 
does  not  add  to  the  dramatic  expression  the  charm  of  a  delightful  song  >  I  confine 
myself  to  this  observation;  too  many  ideas  would  involve  me  in  other  details: 
but  you  are  in  a  better  position  than  anyone  to  follow  these  principles  to  their 
conclusions  and  to  judge  whether  they  harm  the  theatrical  process. 

1  am  neither  a  poet  nor  a  musician,  yet  I  have  ventured  to  write  on  subjects 
which  are  perhaps  beyond  my  competence.  But  has  an  amateur  not  some  right  to 
speak  his  mind?  Does  he  not  pay  for  that?  Without  the  amateurs,  what  would 
become  of  the  arts?  It  seems  to  me  unjust  to  pour  scorn  upon  people  who  write 
on  an  art  in  which  they  are  not  professionals.  Is  it  not  enough  merely  to  consider 
if  the  observations  made  are  reasonable  and  honest,  without  busying  oneself  with 
other  tilings  ?  Although  I  might  appear  in  some  respects  to  hold  a  view  opposed 
to  yours,  I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  etc. 

Fabre. 
PS.  I  beg  you  to  excuse  me  if  I  reply  seriously  to  a  joke.  I  thought  that  out  of 
respect  I  could  not  adopt  a  mischievous  tone  with  you.  The  only  serious  passage 
in  your  letter  is  when  you  quote  Sophocles.  You  will  allow  me  to  tell  you  that  I 
would  like  Oedipus  with  bloodshot  eyes  no  better  than  the  heart  in  Gabrielle  de 
Vergy,^  a  disgusting  spectacle,  which,  however,  people  go  to  see. 

^  Probably  Antoine  Fabre  d'Olivet,  who  was  bom  on  8th  December 
1768  at  Ganges  (Herault).  He  was  employed  in  the  War  Ministry  and  took 
an  active  interest  in  music.  None  of  his  works  appear  to  have  survived.  He 
died  in  Paris  in  April  1825. 

2  Gabrielle  de  Vergy.  Tragedy  in  five  acts  by  P.  Laurent  Buirette  de 
Belloy  (bom  St  Flour  1727,  died  Paris  1775).  The  romance  of  the  Due  de  la 
Valli^re  and  the  anecdotes  of  the  Court  of  Philippe  Auguste  by  Mile  de 
Lussan  provided  the  author  with  the  theme  of  his  tragedy.  When  it  was 
printed,  he  added  (i)  a  historical  memoir  on  the  house  of  Coucy,  (2)  another 
on  the  'Chatelain  de  Coucy'  and  the  'dame  de  Fayel'.  In  the  final  denouement 
Mme  Vestris  made  a  tremendous  impression  with  her  melodramatic  per- 
formance. She  remained  for  some  time  rigid  with  emotion,  then  burst 
into  heartrending  sobs.  At  the  first  performance  in  1777  several  women 
fainted  and  had  to  be  carried  out  of  the  boxes.  One  line  is  frequently  quoted 
from  this  tragedy : 

'Helas !  aux  coeurs  heureux  les  vertus  sont  faciles.' 
(Alas !  virtue  comes  easily  to  the  contented  heart.) 

[To  Jean  Baptiste  Antoine  Suard.^  French] 

[October  1777] 
Monsieur, 

As  I  regarded  music  not  only  as  the  art  of  entertaining  the  ear  but 


of  Christoph  Willihald  Gluck  109 

also  as  one  of  the  greatest  means  of  moving  and  exciting  the  senses 
and  as,  in  consequence,  I  adopted  a  new  method,  I  turned  my  atten- 
tion to  the  stage,  I  sought  deep  and  strong  expression,  and  I  strove 
above  all  to  link  all  the  parts  of  my  w^orks  together.  I  found,  to  begin 
w^ith,  that  the  singers,  both  male  and  female,  and  a  large  number  of 
musicians  were  against  me,  but  all  people  of  intellect  and  culture  in 
Germany  and  in  Italy,  without  exception,  gave  me  ample  compensa- 
tion with  the  praise  and  marks  of  esteem  they  accorded  me.  The 
same  has  not  been  true  of  France;  if  there  are  people  of  culture  whose 
approbation  should  indeed  console  me  for  the  loss  of  the  others, 
there  are  also  many  who  have  come  out  against  me. 

It  seems  that  these  gentlemen  (the  journalists)  are  happier  when 
they  write  on  other  matters;  for  if  I  may  judge  by  the  welcome  the 
public  has  given  to  my  works,  the  said  pubHc  does  not  lay  much 
store  by  their  phrases  and  their  opinions.  But  what  think  you  of  the 
new  attack  which  one  of  them,  M.  de  La  Harpe,  has  made  on  me  ?  He 
is  a  humorous  doctor,  this  M.  de  La  Harpe;  he  speaks  about  music  in 
a  way  that  would  make  all  the  choir-boys  in  Europe  shrug  their 
shoulders;  he  says,  'I  wish',  and  he  says,  'My  doctrine'. 

WiU  you  not  say  a  few  words  to  him,  sir,  you  who  have  already 
defended  me  so  well  against  him  ?  Ah !  I  beg  you,  if  my  music  has 
given  you  any  pleasure,  give  me  the  opportunity  of  proving  to  my 
friends  in  Germany  and  Italy  that,  among  the  men  of  letters  in 
France,  there  are  some  who,  in  speaking  of  the  arts,  at  least  know 
what  they  are  talking  about. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect  and  appreciation. 
Monsieur,  your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant. 
Le  Chevalier  Gluck. 

^Jean  Baptiste  Antoine  Suard  was  bom  in  Besan^on  on  15th  January 
1754.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Academy  and  an  enthusiastic  champion  of 
Gluck,  for  whom  he  repeatedly  took  up  the  cudgels.  He  died  on  20th  July 
1817  in  Paris.  Suard's  reply  to  this  letter  from  Gluck  ran  as  follows : 


[J.  B.  Suard  to  Gluck.  French] 

[before  23rd  October  1777] 
Monsieur, 

It  seems  to  me  that  you  are  placing  a  high  price  on  the  criticisms  which  have 

been  made  of  your  sublime  compositions  in  showing  that  you  are  sensitive  to 

them;  you  do  me  much  honour  by  entrusting  me  with  the  task  of  avenging  you. 

I  find  it  most  pleasant  to  defend  what  I  admire,  but  what  need  have  you  of 

defenders?  One  could  count  your  adversaries  with  ease,  whereas  your  admirers 


no  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

are  without  number.  Your  works  have  charmed  Italy,  Germany  and  France,  and 
your  triumphs  have  placed  you  above  eulogy  or  criticism. 

Allow  me  to  tell  you,  Monsieur,  that  you  have  been  more  fortunate  than  any 
reformer  could  expect  to  be.  Never  has  genius  achieved  so  great  a  revolution  with 
more  striking  and  more  rapid  success. 

You  have  taught  the  Italians  that,  while  they  have  theatrical  music,  they  did 
not  yet  have  dramatic  music,  that  a  multitude  of  beautiful  arias  of  all  kinds  did 
not  make  operas,  and  that,  although  they  have  the  richest  and  most  flexible 
language  with  an  abundance  of  poems  which  are  moving,  sublime  and  passionate, 
they  still  do  not  have  true  tragedy. 

But  it  was  not  in  Italy  that  you  were  able  to  achieve  the  revolution  you  had  in 
mind.  You  felt  that,  in  the  arts  as  in  the  customs  of  a  people,  it  was  easier  to  lead 
to  truth  and  greatness  those  who  were  still  far  removed  from  that  goal  than  to  lead 
back  those  who  had  strayed  from  it.  Your  eyes  turned  to  France;  you  chose  a 
moment  when  we,  tired  of  our  old  music,  were  groping  for  something  that  might 
appeal  to  us.  You  were  not  in  the  least  put  out  by  the  curse  which  M.  Rousseau 
placed  on  our  language;  you  considered  it  worthy  of  the  greatest  riches  music  has 
to  offer.  You  saved  us  from  the  almost  inevitable  contempt  into  which  we  were 
about  to  sink  by  adopting  what  would  merely  have  been  an  adapted  and  degraded 
version  of  Italian  music,  because  we  had  neither  a  sufficiently  well-established 
language,  nor  sufficiently  brilliant  and  flexible  voices,  nor  a  sufficiently  informed 
taste  to  preserve  all  its  finesse  and  grace.  Finally  you  came  and  gave  us  a  truly 
national  music;  you  produced  actors,  singers  and  an  orchestra  for  us;  you  turned 
our  Opera  into  the  first  lyrical  theatre  in  Europe.  All  this  could  only  be  regarded 
as  deserving  the  eternal  gratitude  of  any  Frenchman  who  loves  his  country  and  the 
fine  arts.  But 

Les  plaisirs  de  I'esprit  font  aussi  des  ingrats. 

Such  great  things  cannot  be  accomplished  without  experiencing  a  little 
persecution:  this  is  the  price  of  fame.  And,  when  one  considers  how  your  success 
must  shock  the  prejudiced,  humiliate  the  pretentious  and  antagonize  self-seekers, 
it  is  surprising  that  you  met  with  so  little  resistance. 

You  are  astonished.  Monsieur,  that,  after  finding  none  but  supporters  and 
friends  amongst  the  men  of  letters  in  Italy,  you  should  have  found  so  many  here 
who  seek  to  discredit  you.  If  you  care  to  reflect  a  little,  you  will  easily  find  the 
reason.  In  Italy,  where  music  fulfils  a  more  widespread  need  and  arouses  a  livelier 
interest  than  elsewhere,  the  people  as  a  whole  have  more  feeling  for  it  and  are 
better  informed.  They  love  their  music  because  it  gives  them  pleasure,  and  they 
wish  for  nothing  beyond  it.  But  better-informed  men  are  aware  of  the  defects  as 
well  as  the  beauties  of  this  music;  they  realize  that  on  the  stage  it  has  neither  the 
dignity,  nor  the  warmth,  nor  the  wealth  of  expression  which  is  required  for  tragedy, 
that,  instead  of  stimulating  interest,  it  stifles  it;  they  see  with  dismay  how  the  most 
moving  of  all  the  arts  is  constantly  debased  and  degenerates  into  a  mere  profession, 
with  routine  taking  the  place  of  learning,  with  artistic  caprice  in  place  of  genius 
and  pleasant  noises  instead  of  true  melody ;  they  see  with  indignation  that  success 
depends  on  the  voice  of  a  soprano  or  on  the  prima  donna,  and  that  the  ovations  of 
the  public  are  reserved  for  a  striking  passage  on  the  violin  or  the  organ;  the  singers, 
feted  and  spoiled,  grow  rich,  while  the  composers,  neglected  and  abused,  remain 
poor.  These  are  the  complaints  which  have  been  made  for  the  past  fifty  years  by 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  1 1 1 

all  Italian  men  of  letters,  without  exception,  who  write  on  music,  men  such  as 
Muratori,^  Gravina,^  Apostolo  Zcno,^  Mctastasio,  Tartini,  Marcello,*  Conti,^ 
P.  Martini,  Chevaher  Planelli,  Don  Eximeno^  and  even  Jomelli  himself,  who 
lamented  the  fact  that  he  was  obliged,  like  the  other  composers,  to  sacrifice  to  an 
idol  which  he  despised.  No  man  of  note  in  Italy  has  attempted  to  clear  music  of 
these  charges.  It  is  somewhat  strange,  one  must  admit,  that  it  should  be  Frenclomen, 
who  have  never  seen  an  Italian  opera  and  who  know  nothing  about  art,  who  have 
taken  it  upon  themselves  to  come  to  the  defence  of  music. 

Our  men  of  letters,  with  very  few  exceptions,  are  not  great  lovers  of  the  arts, 
do  not  cultivate  them  and  do  not  live  with  artists.  They  go  to  hear  a  new  opera 
as  they  go  to  see  the  pictures  in  the  Louvre,  so  that  they  can  talk  about  them  at 
dinner,  place  the  artists  in  various  pigeon-holes  and  prove  that,  given  intelligence, 
one  can  speak  well  on  any  subject.  When  Italian  music  was  first  introduced  in 
France,  the  most  distinguished  amongst  them  gave  it  an  enthusiastic  welcome  and 
defended  it  both  rationally  and  emotionally.  Unhampered  by  those  day-to-day, 
routine  prejudices  which  tie  most  men  to  the  things  they  have  always  loved  and 
admired,  they  quickly  sensed  the  superiority  of  this  music  over  the  slow-moving, 
monotonous  psalmody  which,  until  then,  we  had  heard  in  our  lyrical  theatre.  It 
was  preferred  primarily  because  it  was  better,  but  also,  to  a  certain  degree,  because 
it  was  considered  a  good  thing  to  like  it.  It  placed  one  apart  from  the  crowd ;  one 
could  boast  of  having  a  more  refined  taste;  one  adopted  the  dignified  pose  of  a 
connoisseur;  and  we  know  how  much  influence  variety  can  exercise,  often  un- 
beknown to  us,  over  our  judgments  and  even  our  pleasures. 

This  first  germ  of  prejudice  was  joined  by  another.  We  are  as  prone  to  generalize 
as  to  pass  judgment,  and  in  the  arts,  as  in  the  sciences,  one  is  all  the  more  inclined 
to  make  systems  if  one  has  amassed  relatively  few  facts  and  made  few  detailed 
observations.  Impressed  by  the  degree  of  perfection  wliich  the  Italians  had  attained 
in  their  music,  certain  intellectuals  concluded  that  no  further  progress  could  be 
made  and  that,  if  we  wished  to  have  fine  opera,  we  must  follow  in  their  footsteps. 
As  the  great  riches  of  Italian  music  are  at  their  most  resplendent  in  the  arias,  it  was 
assumed  that  the  whole  power  of  the  art  resided  in  the  aria,  and  it  is  on  this  pattern 
that  theories  were  evolved  and  rules  formulated.  As  distinguished  talents  were 
revealed  by  several  composers  and  well-merited  success  was  achieved  by  following 
more  or  less  the  Italian  pattern  in  our  comic  operas,  the  logic  of  these  theories 
seemed  to  be  borne  out. 

When  you  came  and  announced  a  form  of  opera  based  on  a  plan  which  con- 
flicted with  these  premature  theories,  the  supporters  of  the  system  rose  up  in  arms 
against  you;  you  were  judged  in  the  first  instance  before  being  heard,  then  people 
were  reluctant  to  hear  you  lest  they  should  be  compelled  to  revise  their  first 
judgment.  They  looked  for  qualities  in  your  work  which  you  had  deliberately 
excluded,  and  ears  were  deafened  by  prejudice  to  those  qualities  which  you  had 
put  in  their  place.  Add  to  this  the  spirit  of  independence  which  makes  us  reluctant 
to  join  in  praising  a  production  which  we  do  not  yet  know.  We  like  to  find  fault, 
and,  as  the  wise  La  Bruyere'^  has  said,  the  pleasure  of  criticizing  prevents  us  from 
being  moved  by  very  beautiful  things. 

I  am  speaking  here  only  in  general  terms,  with  no  thought  of  attributing  to  any 
of  these  motives  the  derogatory  opinion  of  your  talents  expressed  by  those  men  of 
letters  who  have  been  most  outspoken  against  you.  I  know  several  of  them,  whose 
characters  I  respect,  whom  I  love  as  persons,  for  whose  genius,  gifts  and  works  I 


112  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

have  infinite  respect,  who  have  a  sincere  love  of  the  arts,  and  who  are  endowed  by 
nature  to  respect  talent  in  others  because  their  own  command  respect. 

I  would  be  flattered  to  share  their  feelings  and  their  opinions  in  all  things,  but 
I  am  never  astonished  by  the  extreme  divergences  of  taste  even  amongst  men  who 
have  most  of  it,  especially  in  those  artistic  spheres  where  the  appeal  is  to  the  senses 
and  imagination  rather  than  to  the  mind  and  reason.  When  men  of  this  stature 
form  an  opinion,  it  is  undoubtedly  based  upon  a  manner  of  seeing  and  feeling 
which  is  essentially  their  own,  and  none  has  the  right  to  call  them  to  account  for  it. 
But,  if  they  thought  fit  to  make  it  public,  it  would  be  with  all  the  respect  which 
men  of  superior  intelHgence  owe  to  truth,  to  interest  in  the  arts,  and  to  themselves. 

I  confess.  Monsieur,  and  with  regret,  that  M.  de  la  Harpe  has  not  conformed  to 
this  principle  in  the  account  he  has  given  of  your  Armide,  and  I  am  the  more  sur- 
prised by  this  as  he  speaks  on  subjects  within  his  competence  in  a  spirit  of  justice, 
which  is  often  very  exacting  but  always  enlightened  and  almost  always  impartial. 
At  first  he  had  shown  a  profound  and  sincere  admiration  for  your  works,  and  this 
admiration  was  only  tempered  by  slight  criticisms  which  gave  added  weight  to 
his  praises.  He  appears,  it  is  true,  to  remain  an  admirer,  since  he  regards  you  as  a 
man  of  genius,  as  the  creator  of  a  truly  lyrical  plan,  but  he  is  careful  to  forestall  any 
stirrings  of  pride  which  such  praise  might  evoke  in  you  by  seasoning  it  with 
pompous  homilies  and  somewhat  bitter  criticisms.  I  will  not  attempt  to  guess  what 
motive  he  might  have  had  for  changing  his  tone  so  suddenly  and  for  entering  with 
so  much  heat  into  a  discussion  in  which  he  had,  to  begin  with,  seemed  so  dis- 
interested. It  only  remains  now  to  consider  if  his  reasons  are  good  and  if  the  tone 
he  has  adopted  is  the  most  becoming.  This  is  what  I  propose  to  do  dispassionately, 
though  with  reluctance ;  but  I  must  respond  to  the  confidence  you  place  in  me,  not 
in  order  to  avenge  your  honour  (for,  once  more.  Monsieur,  you  have  no  need 
of  it),  but  to  defend  the  principles  of  an  art  which  I  love;  lest  foreigners  might 
believe  that  the  man  of  genius  who  has  come  to  bring  us  a  sublime  new  art  has 
merely  found  prejudiced  censors  amongst  men  of  letters;  in  order  to  bear  out  the 
admiration  for  your  works  which  I  have  expressed  publicly;  perhaps  also  to  soothe 
my  injured  vanity,  for  M.  de  la  Harpe  treated  me  somewhat  roughly  in  a  brief 
assault  he  made  recently  on  your  supporters. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  has  felt  obhged,  in  his  capacity  as  a  joumaUst,  to  consider 
your  works  as  marking  an  epoch  in  the  liistory  of  the  arts.  Well  and  good;  but 
he  should,  it  seems  to  me,  speak  either  as  a  historian  or  as  a  man  of  culture.  If 
M.  d'Alembert  were  publishing  today,  for  the  first  time,  his  discoveries  on  the 
precession  of  the  equinoxes  or  on  the  theory  of  fluids,  M.  de  la  Harpe,  as  a  journalist, 
would  do  well  to  announce  them,  but  I  believe  his  readers  would  not  require 
him  to  tell  them  what  he  thinks.  One  is  never  obliged  to  judge  what  one  does  not 
understand. 

The  objection  will  be  raised,  which  is  constantly  being  brought  up,  that,  as 
the  arts  are  made  for  the  public,  it  is  the  natural  judge;  that  the  artists'  finest 
productions  must  please  the  ignorant  as  well  as  the  connoisseurs,  and  that  everyone 
has  the  right  to  hold  an  opinion  and  to  speak  his  mind.  I  must  say  that  this  seems 
to  me  perfectly  fair;  I  would  even  add  that  there  are  sections  of  the  arts,  some  of 
them  technical,  in  which  a  man  of  intelligence  can  acquire  a  sound  judgment,  if 
his  senses  are  well  organized  and  he  acquires  the  habit  of  observing  and  comparing. 
There  arc,  in  particular,  certain  basic  principles,  common  to  all  the  arts,  which  a 
man  of  letters,  who  has  good  taste,  is  better  able  to  judge  than  the  artists  them- 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghck  113 

selves.  But  if  he  departs  from  this  sphere,  if,  not  content  to  judge  effects,  he  seeks 
their  causes  in  artistic  media,  if  he  goes  so  far  as  to  try  to  point  the  way  which  the 
artist  must  follow  in  order  to  acliievc  certain  effects,  if  he  sets  Iiimself  up  as  a  judge 
of  style,  who  can  apportion  merit,  etc.,  then  he  will  fall  into  constant  error  or, 
when  he  is  not  mistaken,  he  will  inevitably  utter  mere  commonplaces,  which  will 
be  no  more  instructive  for  the  public  than  for  the  artists.  This  is  what  has  happened 
to  M.  de  la  Harpe. 

M.  de  la  Harpe's  entire  criticism  consists  of  paraphrasing  the  circular  reproach 
levelled  against  you.  Monsieur,  that  you  lack  melody  and  song,  song  and  melody, 
and  this  because  you  avoid  too  many  arias  in  the  Italian  style.  This  is  a  popular 
phrase  with  your  adversaries,  and  M.  de  la  Harpe  merely  repeats  faithfully  what  has 
been  written  and  said  a  hundred  times;  it  has  been  answered  as  many  times  in  jest, 
which  is  perhaps  the  only  reasonable  way  of  replying  to  it  until  such  time  as 
tempers  have  cooled  sufficiently  to  make  a  serious  and  reasonable  discussion 
possible. 

One  should  begin  by  defining  clearly  what  is  meant  by  song  and  melody, 
what  is  the  distinctive  characteristic  of  the  Italian  aria,  what  are  the  effects  produced 
by  the  symmetrical  form  of  these  arias  and  the  effects  arising  from  the  development 
and  movement  of  the  song;  one  must  ascertain  if  it  is  true  that  the  finest  of  these 
arias  owe  their  expression  and  their  vigour  to  what  is  so  vaguely  called  melody 
and  up  to  what  point  this  type  of  melody  is  compatible  with  marked  rhythm,  true 
accents  and  the  contrasting  movements  which  are  required  for  forceful  expression, 
etc.  Perhaps  one  day  this  inquiry  will  be  made;  but  M.  de  la  Harpe  is  so  little 
disposed  to  deal  with  such  a  question  that  he  has  not  even  deigned  to  acquaint 
himself  with  the  meaning  of  the  most  familiar  artistic  terms,  without  which  it  is 
impossible  to  make  oneself  understood. 

He  constantly  confuses  song  and  melody,  arias  and  formal  songs;  he  calls  all 
orchestral  music  harmony  and  accompaniment — a  common  mistake,  it  is  true — 
but  not  to  be  forgiven  in  a  man  of  culture  who  is  discussing  artistic  principles 
with  a  maestro.  He  says  that  the  monologue,  'Plus  j 'observe  ces  Heux',  is  a  success 
largely  by  virtue  of  its  accompaniment.  He  does  not  reahze  that  the  symphony 
played  by  the  orchestra  is  the  main  subject,  forms  the  real  song  and  does  not 
accompany  anything,  that  it  is  a  complete  tableau  which  produces  its  entire  effect 
independently  of  the  song  and  the  voice,  and  that,  when  the  voice  intervenes,  this 
recitative  is  a  mere  accessory,  a  subordinate  part  which  is  not  so  much  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  recitative  as  accompanied  by  it.  What  has  led  to  so  many  futile 
comments  being  made  on  this  monologue  in  public  is  that  the  effect  has  been  sought 
in  the  song,  as  in  the  case  of  Lully,  whereas  you  rightly  felt,  on  the  contrary, 
that  the  real  expression  could  only  come  from  the  orchestra — in  other  words,  a 
painting  of  an  enchanted  place,  embellished  by  the  murmur  of  the  waters  and 
the  singing  of  birds,  in  which  the  characters  do  no  more  than  relate  what  they  see 
and  feel. 

A  little  further  on,  M.  de  la  Harpe  speaks  of  fragments  of  obbligato  recitative 
which  allegedly  bear  out  the  value  of  the  technique  of  accompaniments.  Is  he 
referring,  for  example,  to  the  moaning  voices  of  the  oboes,  the  heartrending 
cries  of  the  violins,  the  mournful  sounds  of  the  horns  and  bassoons,  which,  in 
Agamemnon's  monologue,  depict  the  spiritual  anguish  of  a  father  who  thinks 
he  hears  the  voice  of  his  daughter  at  the  place  of  sacrifice,  who  sees  the  torch  of  the 
Eumenides  brandished  above  her  head  and  suffers  agonies  of  remorse?  These 


114  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

passages  of  a  sublime  melody  are  accompanied,  by  other  sections  of  the  orchestra 
and  can  hardly  be  said  to  accompany  the  voice,  because  they  are  almost  always 
inaudible  except  when  the  voice  is  silent.  These  are  not  the  fruits  of  technique  but 
the  work  of  genius. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  sees  song  only  in  arias  and  melody  only  in  vocal  music ;  it  has 
not  occurred  to  him  that  the  voice  is  merely  another  instrument  with  a  character 
and  properties  of  its  own,  that  if  part  of  a  song  is  played  by  the  violin  or  the  flute 
it  is  none  the  less  a  song,  that,  as  melody  is  no  more  than  a  pleasant  sequence  of 
sounds,  it  exists  independently  of  the  instrument  which  is  used  to  communicate 
it  to  our  ear.  Almost  all  his  reasonings  are  based  on  this  misconception. 

Now  comes  a  remarkable  passage.  It  may  be,  says  M.  de  la  Harpe,  that  M. 
Gluck  is  strong  and  fertile  in  the  instrumental  music  but  weak  and  poor  in  melody, 
which,  however,  is  the  happiest  and  rarest  quahty  in  music,  like  style  in  poetry,  etc. 

If  one  reads  this  half-phrase  as  carelessly  as  M.  de  la  Harpe  wrote  it,  that  is 
without  reflection  and  without  having  any  precise  ideas  on  music,  one  has  the 
impression  of  understanding  it  and  one  can  even  find  the  germ  of  an  idea  in  it. 
But  a  reader  who  is  in  any  way  informed  finds  to  his  surprise  that  in  so  few  words 
there  are  four  errors. 

1.  M.  de  la  Harpe,  as  I  have  already  remarked,  regards  melody  as  the  opposite 
of  instrumental  music.  He  has  only  to  consult  a  musician  or  read  the  article  on 
melody  in  M.  Rousseau's  Dictionary  of  Music  to  learn  that  melody  belongs  to  both 
the  instrumental  and  the  vocal  parts. 

2.  He  says  that  melody  (vocal)  is  the  happiest  and  rarest  quality  in  music.  How 
is  it  that  this  happy  quality,  which,  according  to  M.  de  la  Harpe,  is  so  copiously 
used  in  Itahan  operas,  does  not  prevent  these  operas  from  being  the  most  boring 
of  all  spectacles?  But,  above  all,  how  can  it  be  so  rare  if  it  is  so  brilliantly  displayed 
in  a  crowd  of  delightful  arias  by  a  crowd  of  great  Italian  composers  quoted  by  M. 
de  la  Harpe,  and  in  those  of  many  other  great  masters  whom  he  does  not  quote, 
whereas  not  one  can  be  cited  who  has  the  power  and  fertility  in  instrumental 
music  which  he  is  prepared  to  concede  to  M.  Gluck? 

3.  He  gives  us  to  understand  that  melody  is  to  music  what  style  is  to  poetry. 
He  overlooks  the  fact  that  harmony  is  a  much  more  distinctive  part  of  musical 
style  than  melody  and  that,  in  referring  to  a  piece  of  music  as  well  written,  musicans 
invariably  speak  of  harmony  and  of  the  way  in  which  the  various  parts  are  dis- 
tributed. 

4.  But  how  could  a  man  of  letters,  with  so  much  understanding  and  taste 
as  M.  de  la  Harpe,  go  on  to  say  that  style  is  the  rarest  quality  in  poetry?  It  will  not 
give  me  any  pleasure  to  prove  to  him  something  that  he  knows  better  than  I,  that 
we  do  not  lack  poets  who  possess  to  a  very  high  degree  the  qualities  of  precision, 
elegance,  harmony  and  feeling,  that  is  to  say,  the  principal  qualities  of  style,  but 
that  the  genius  who  creates,  the  imagination  that  animates  and  fructifies,  the 
original  mind  that  gives  everything  a  new  and  piquant  form,  the  brain-power  that 
shapes  and  executes  vast  and  complex  plans,  the  insight  that  penetrates,  stirs  and 
communicates,  these  are  qualities  somewhat  rarer  than  talent  in  style.  We  have 
comedies  written  in  a  more  melodious  style  than  Tartuffe,  but  where  is  the  genius 
that  created  Tartuffe  ? 

M.  de  la  Harpe  seems  to  use  the  words  'aria',  'recitative',  'formal  song'  and 
'melody'  at  random ;  he  even  employs  them  sometimes  in  a  contradictory  sense. 
He  says,  speaking  of  the  music  o£Armide:  this  eternal  recitative  has,  of  necessity, 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  115 

no  effect,  and  he  quotes  as  an  example:  'Enfm  il  est  en  ma  puissance'.  If  he  means 
by  that  a  simple  recitative,  then  he  has  made  a  strange  error,  as  tliis  monologue  is  an 
obbligato  recitative.  If  he  is  speaking  of  the  obbligato  recitative  in  general  when 
he  says  that  this  recitative  has,  of  necessity,  no  effect,  then  tliis  is  a  new  proposition 
for  the  partisans  of  Italian  music,  in  which  there  are  obbligato  recitatives  which 
produce  the  greatest  possible  effect  and  which,  on  the  admission  of  the  Italians 
themselves,  are  the  most  dramatic  pieces  of  music  in  their  operas.  This,  incidentally, 
should  provide  food  for  thought  to  those  dabblers  in  systems,  who  can  only  see 
dramatic  music  in  symmetrical  and  regular  arias. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  says  a  little  further  on  that  the  verse  sung  by  Armide,  'Je  ne 
triomphe  pas  du  plus  vaillant  de  tons',  is  in  no  way  different  from  the  long  sing-song 
which  Armide's  attendants  havejust  dehvered  and  with  which  it  should  have  been  in 
marked  contrast.  If  this  long  sing-song  were  a  fairly  short  aria  concluding  in  a  phrase 
from  a  lively  duet,  and  if  the  verse  of  Armide  were  a  simple  recitative  from  a  noble 
and  serious  song,  which  represents  the  most  striking  contrast  one  can  devise  in 
music,  what  would  one  make  of  this  brand  of  criticism?  Yet,  this  is  the  true 
situation. 

Here  is  another  and  even  more  extraordinary  mistake.  He  says  that  in  the  poem 
o£ Armide  there  is  not  a  single  aria  suitable  for  a  formal  song,  and  by  aria  he  appears 
to  be  referring  to  the  words  of  an  aria,  which  is  again  a  novel  way  of  expressing 
oneself.  How  can  one  believe,  after  this  assertion,  that  Armide  is  in  formal  song 
almost  from  one  end  to  the  other,  that  there  is  hardly  any  recitative  in  the  whole 
opera,  that  the  parts  of  Hidraot,  Hate,  the  Knights  and  the  Attendants  are  almost 
entirely  not  merely  in  formal  song  but  even  in  arias ;  There  is  certainly  no  other 
composer,  be  he  Italian  or  French,  who  is  not  convinced  of  this.  And  to  prove  what 
I  say,  one  only  has  to  glance  at  the  score  or  go  to  the  Opera  or  open  one's  ears. 

As  a  result  of  the  same  confusion  of  ideas  and  terminology,  he  demands  that 
the  formal  song  should  follow  the  recitative,  as  if  all  musicians,  ancient  and  modem, 
Italian  and  French,  have  ever  done  anything  else  or  could  do  anything  else.  He 
reproaches  you  finally  with  having  substituted  a  declamation  set  to  music  for  the 
formal  song,  you.  Monsieur,  who  have  striven  to  eliminate  as  far  as  possible  this 
insipid,  monotonous  recitative,  which  slows  down  and  stultifies  all  the  dialogue 
in  both  Italian  and  French  operas,  in  order  to  substitute  the  formal  song  almost 
everywhere,  a  characteristic  which  especially  distinguishes  your  musical  system 
from  that  of  other  composers. 

As  this  is  not  a  question  of  taste  and  as  even  the  least  experienced  ear  can  easily 
distinguish  between  a  formal  song  and  one  that  is  not,  it  is  for  M.  de  la  Harpe  to  tell 
us  how  he  managed  to  commit  such  mistakes  and  why  he  felt  obliged  to  be  dogma- 
tic about  the  formal  song  when  he  does  not  even  know  what  it  is.  It  may  be  because 
he  cannot  distinguish  between  what  is  an  aria  in  an  opera  and  what  is  not,  that  M. 
de  la  Harpe  prefers  Orphei  to  your  other  works  on  account  of  the  arias,  that  he 
attributes  its  success  in  Italy  to  the  arias,  that  he  actually  accuses  you  of  having 
abandoned  the  plan  for  a  truly  lyrical  drama  interlarded  with  arias,  as  if  you  had 
put  no  more  arias  in  your  later  operas.  The  fact  is  that  there  are  only  five  arias  in 
the  Italian  Orphee,  which  are  not  even  in  the  Italian  style;  that  it  was  only  out  of 
consideration  for  our  ears  that  you  added  a  sixth  aria  to  the  first  act  of  the  French 
Orphee,  the  only  aria  in  the  pure  Italian  style;  that  of  all  your  operas  Orphee  has 
fewest  arias  and  that  there  are  ten  in  the  first  act  o£lphiginie  alone. 

He  says  further  that  your  Orphee  was  successful  in  France  because,  for  the  first 


ii6  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

time  in  our  theatre,  arias  were  heard  which  were  full  of  expression  and  in  keeping 
with  the  dramatic  situations.  Has  M.  de  la  Harpe  forgotten  that  Iphigenie  appeared 
before  Orphie^.  Or  could  it  be  that  for  M.  de  la  Harpe  the  impassioned  and  moving 
arias  of  Agamemnon,  Clytemnestra,  Iphigenia  and  Achilles,  which  have  always 
earned  such  ovations,  are  not  arias  full  of  expression  and  in  keeping  with  the 
dramatic  situations?  It  is  impossible  to  reply  to  him  on  this  point  before  one  knows 
what  he  wanted  to  say. 

At  the  very  least,  a  man  of  letters  who  knows  Greek  must  know  what  is  meant 
by  the  word  'melopoeia',  which  signified  to  the  Greeks  the  art  of  composing  song; 
it  was,  so  to  say,  the  poesy  of  song,  but  it  was  not  song  as  such,  as  M.  de  la  Harpe 
seems  to  believe.  If  he  was  not  prepared  to  refer  to  Aristide  Quintilien^  to  find 
out  what  the  Greek  melopee  was,  he  had  only  to  open  the  Dictionary  of  Music. 
He  would  not  then  have  used  the  word  'melopee'  of  a  declamation  set  to  music, 
and  he  would  not  have  spoken  of  the  melopee  of  this  character  or  the  melopee  of 
M.  Gluck.  Although  the  term  'epic'  is  given  a  less  restricted  meaning  in  relation  to 
the  epic  poem  than  the  term  'melopee'  in  relation  to  music,  it  would  be  somewhat 
strange  to  refer  to  the  Aeneid  or  to  the  episode  of  Herminia  in.  Jerusalem  as  Virgil's 
epic  or  Herminia's  epic. 

Such  misconceptions  by  a  man,  who  has  not  only  a  high  degree  of  intelligence 
but  also  a  very  precise  and  well-trained  intelligence,  prove,  it  seems  to  me,  that 
the  words  one  employs  most  commonly  in  ordinary  conversation,  when  one  speaks 
on  unimportant  subjects,  are  those  one  most  abuses ;  that  precise  language  necessarily 
implies  precise  ideas ;  that,  in  order  to  make  correct  use  of  artistic  terms  which  seem 
so  simple,  one  must  have  a  more  detailed  knowledge  than  is  generally  thought 
necessary.  There  is  no  practical  art,  the  language  of  which  does  not  require  study 
if  it  is  to  be  understood;  one  frequently  thinks  one  understands  when  in  fact  one  is 
merely  guessing,  and  in  general  one  guesses  badly. 

I  will  quote  M.  de  la  Harpe  once  again.  In  \m  Journal  of  the  15th  of  this  month 
he  wrote  a  report  on  the  pictures  in  the  Salon  and  spoke  of  them  as  a  cultured  man 
who  only  considers  the  parts  of  painting  on  which  unfortunately  the  whole  world 
can  pass  judgment.  But  in  this  article  he  uses  only  one  artistic  expression  and  he 
uses  it  in  an  unintelligible  way.  It  is  the  word  'reflection'.  Here  is  his  sentence: 
'You  are  enticed  to  follow  the  bark  which,  with  an  imperceptible  movement, 
cleaves  the  motionless  wave  under  the  reflection  of  a  beautiful  evening.'  A  great 
painter  was  asked  if  he  understood  this  sentence:  'No  better  than  the  author,' 
was  his  reply. 

I  feel,  to  be  sure,  no  more  inclined  to  reproach  M.  de  la  Harpe  with  not  know- 
ing what  reflections  in  painting  are  than  I  do  to  give  others  credit  for  knowing.  I 
could  only  wish  that  men  of  letters  were  a  little  less  facile  in  talking  about  any- 
thing and  everything,  a  facihty  that  comes  with  the  gift  of  writing,  and  that  they 
would  not  apply  to  arts,  which  they  have  not  studied,  vague  and  general  principles 
or  ideas  which  they  have  borrowed  without  taking  the  trouble  to  examine  their 
full  context.  Artists,  who  are  more  sensitive  than  they  are  to  criticism,  because  they 
are  less  accustomed  to  it,  often  complain  of  the  unenHghtened  strictures  passed  on 
their  productions,  and  those  who  can  write  have  remarked,  sometimes  with  bitter 
irony,  upon  the  blunders  committed  by  men  of  letters  who  have  written  about 
the  arts.  M.  Falconet,^  in  particular,  has  done  so  in  a  tone  which,  as  a  rule,  is  neither 
tactful  nor  moderate,  but  unfortunately  his  criticisms  are  all  too  often  well- 
founded.  It  is  true  that  the  style  in  which  he  translates  Pliny  gives  those  whom  he 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  117 

attacks  a  fine  opportunity  to  take  their  revenge.  But  would  it  not  be  better  if  men 
of  letters  and  artists  were  at  one  in  exchanging  their  natural  gifts?  The  knowledge 
and  the  ideas  of  the  man  of  letters  would  perhaps  widen  the  horizon  of  the  artist, 
while  the  studies  and  works  of  the  latter  would  provide  the  mind  and  imagination 
of  the  poet  with  new  ideas  and  open  up  fresh  vistas.  I  have  observed  that  in  the 
renaissance  of  the  arts  in  Italy  the  greatest  painters  were  friends  of  the  most  famous 
scholars  and  poets,  that  they  stimulated,  consulted  and  enlightened  each  other. 
Never  had  the  arts  more  need  of  active  interest  on  the  part  of  men  of  letters,  but 
only  as  seen  from  the  particular  viewpoint  of  their  profession  and  as  a  means  of 
bringing  the  artist  back  to  the  eternal  principles  of  true  beauty,  which  appear  to 
be  disappearing  completely.  Painting  in  particular  is  deteriorating  in  the  most 
shocking  fashion. 

A  number  of  factors  oblige  painters  almost  inevitably  to  sacrifice  great  artistic 
effect  to  professional  expediency.  Small,  meticulous,  stylized,  highly  polished 
pictures,  cold  reproductions  of  still  life,  portraits  and  miniatures  have  replaced 
those  works  of  genius  in  which  the  great  minds  of  antiquity,  the  great  currents  of 
history  and  all  the  human  passions  were  represented  on  canvas.  Our  connoisseurs 
go  for  training  to  the  school  of  picture-dealers  and  adopt  its  ridiculous  jargon. 
When  you  speak  to  an  artist  about  ideas,  character  and  expression,  he  talks  of 
blending,  silvery  tones  and  smooth  tints.  It  seems  that  the  same  trend  is  creeping 
into  music.  It  is  not  enough  for  you.  Monsieur,  to  be  moving,  forceful  and 
sublime;  people  want  flowing  lines,  soft  and  graceful  colours;  they  will  only 
applaud  woodland  songs;  fmally  they  want  to  hear  tragedy  in  ariettas,  just  as  the 
Marquis  de  Mascarille^"  proposed  to  write  the  history  of  Rome  in  madrigals. 

As  you  see.  Monsieur,  the  way  in  which  M.  de  la  Harpe  uses  the  elementary 
terms  of  your  art  to  quarrel  vnth  you  over  your  art,  makes  it  impossible  for  me  to 
discuss  in  detail  with  him  a  question  which  he  treats  so  superficially;  we  would  not 
be  speaking  the  same  language.  But  if  he  were  prepared  to  define  precisely  what 
he  means  by  song,  by  melody,  by  harmony,  by  arias,  I  would  perhaps  venture 
to  try  and  prove  to  him  that  the  delightful  melody  which  he  admires  and  which  I  also 
admire  in  the  beautiful  Italian  arias,  that  those  symmetrical  forms,  those  periodic 
repetitions  which  give  the  arias  a  piquant  and  pleasant  effect,  that  all  these  are 
incompatible  with  the  expression  and  force  needed  to  depict  great  inner  emotions 
while  at  the  same  time  lending  truth,  speed  and  unity  to  the  dramatic  action; 
that  melody  by  itself  has  only  very  limited  means  of  producing  highly  expressive 
effects;  that  it  is  through  harmony  and  by  a  fruitful  and  varied  combination  of 
instruments  that  the  Italians  themselves  produce  those  striking  effects  in  their  finest 
passionate  arias,  although  they  sacrifice  part  of  the  expression  to  the  melody, 
because  they  never  seek  to  achieve  the  effect  of  a  dramatic  whole,  which  is  foreign 
to  their  type  of  spectacle. 

I  must  confess  that  it  is  far  beyond  my  capacity  and  my  powers  to  discuss  such 
a  question;  to  muster  all  the  evidence  that  is  available,  it  may  be  necessary  to 
combine,  as  you  do.  Monsieur,  a  study  of  the  general  principles  of  all  the  arts  with 
the  profound  knowledge  of  the  great  artist.  So,  without  encroaching  further  upon 
the  art  of  music,  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  putting  to  M.  de  la  Harpe  a  few  observa- 
tions which  imply  no  more  knowledge  than  is  common  to  all  men  of  letters. 

He  believes  that  it  is  in  the  arias  that  the  primary  power  of  music  resides. 
But  the  Greeks  had  moving  and  passionate  music,  which  was  susceptible  of  all 
forms  of  expression,  had  great  vitality  and  produced  effects  which  are  confirmed 

C.G.-I 


ii8  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

by  the  marvels,  however  absurd  some  may  be,  that  are  credited  to  it.  Yet  these 
Greeks  had  no  arias  in  their  music.  The  beautiful  obbligato  recitatives  which  the 
Italians  admire  for  their  wealth  of  expression,  the  choruses  which  move  the 
multitude  so  profoundly  in  Iphigenie,  Alceste  and  Armide,  the  first  sublime  couplet 
of  Pergolese's  Stabat,  the  adagio  which  is  so  touching,  despite  the  fact  that  it  is  only 
played  on  a  pianoforte,  these  are  not  arias ;  those  simple,  crude  songs  which  excite 
primitive  peoples  so  powerfully  to  fight  and  rejoice,  etc.,  the  Alpine  horn,  which 
no  Swiss  far  from  home  can  hear  without  sinking  into  a  profound  melancholy, 
these  are  not  Italian  arias.  There  must,  therefore,  be  a  primary  force  in  music,  which 
can  exercise  a  strong  and  agreeable  influence  on  the  souls  of  men  without  taking 
the  form  of  an  aria. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  tells  us  that  the  arias — hors  d'ceuvre  designed  to  give  full  play 
to  an  actress's  throat — are  the  only  things  that  sustain  Itahan  opera,  because  lack 
of  interest  in  the  drama,  the  length  of  the  performance  and  the  insipid  character  of 
the  recitative  carmot  hold  audiences.  If  M.  de  la  Harpe  had  seen  Itahan  opera,  he 
would  know  that  the  only  thing  that  sustains  it  is  the  coming  and  going,  eating, 
playing  and  chattering  that  goes  on;  it  is  like  a  concert  which  one  attends  in  order 
to  hear  one  or  two  pretty  pieces  and  to  judge  the  voices  and  talents  of  the  singers. 
What  makes  any  real  interest  impossible  is  the  nature  of  the  recitatives  and  arias, 
and,  far  from  the  drama  being  at  fault,  when  Metastasio's  operas  were  simply 
declaimed  by  bad  actors  they  were  listened  to  with  interest  in  several  theatres  in 
Italy.  It  was  Metastasio  who  wrote,  well  before  Gluck's  admirers,  that  Italian 
music  was  a  slave  in  revolt  against  poetry,  its  legitimate  sovereign,  and  that  it 
should  confme  itself  to  concerts  and  ballet  without  becoming  involved  in  questions 
of  the  Cothurnus. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  is  so  enamoured  of  arias  that  he  would  like  one  or  two  in  every 
scene  of  an  opera.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  would  be  a  great  many  arias,  however 
beautiful  they  might  be.  Seaports  are  very  useful  but  this  does  not  mean  one  should 
emulate  M.  Caritides^^  and  build  a  whole  kingdom  of  seaports. 

As  soon  as  one  admits  the  song,  says  M.  de  la  Harpe,  one  must  admit  it  at  its 
very  best.  He  adds  a  little  further  on:  when  I  go  to  see  Zaire,  I  expect  to  weep  over 
the  misfortunes  of  love  and  hear  charming  verses.  There  is  something  alluring 
about  this  phrase;  but  the  comparison  he  draws  between  poetry  and  music  should, 
it  seems  to  me,  have  brought  home  to  him  the  sophistry  on  which  it  is  founded. 
Let  us  examine  this  comparison. 

In  a  poem  in  which  the  aim  is  to  arouse  interest  solely  by  means  of  the  charm 
of  the  poetry,  as  in  the  ode  for  example,  the  poet  can  pour  out  all  the  wealth  of  his 
imagination  and  harmony;  not  only  can  his  thoughts  be  couched  in  the  most 
sonorous  expressions,  the  most  brilliant  figures  of  speech  and  the  most  melodious 
verses,  but  the  verses  themselves — if  written  in  a  variety  of  metres  and  grouped  in 
symmetrical,  regular  strophes  wliich  flatter  the  ear,  relax  the  mind  and  highlight 
the  ideas  they  contain — can  be  invested  with  a  new  kind  of  harmony. 

But  in  a  poem  such  as  tragedy,  where  the  poetry  is  merely  an  ornamental 
accessory,  the  artistry  of  which  must  make  itself  felt  without  becoming  too 
apparent,  because  the  primary  aim  is  to  arouse  interest  by  means  of  the  situations, 
the  development  of  the  characters  and  the  portrayal  of  emotion,  these  poetic  riches 
which  are  so  lavishly  displayed  in  the  ode  must  be  sacrificed  to  truth,  to  speed  of 
action  and  to  other  dramatic  conventions.  M.  de  la  Harpe  knows  that  better  than  I. 
He  knows  that  the  epic  and  lyric  style  is  not  the  style  of  tragedy;  he  knows  that, 


of  Christoph  WillihaU  Ghick  119 

wlule  the  poet  can  introduce  more  colourful  images  and  a  more  obtrusive  harmony 
at  moments  when  there  is  less  action,  he  must  abandon  these  artistic  expedients  at 
moments  where  interest  is  high  and  where  the  soul  must  be  deeply  moved,  because 
tliis  deep  emotion  depends  upon  a  species  of  illusion  which  any  too  apparent 
artistry  would  destroy. 

It  would,  therefore,  be  a  strange  criticism  to  level  against  Sophocles  that  he  did 
not  write  his  tragedies  in  strophes  like  the  Odes  of  Pindar,  because  these  strophes 
give  much  more  harmonious  poetry  than  a  succession  of  iambics ;  or  that  he  did 
not  employ  the  same  poetry  in  his  passionate  scenes  as  in  his  choruses.  One  might 
well  have  said  to  him:  If  one  admits  poetry  in  drama,  one  must  admit  it  at  its  very 
best. 

Could  one  not  also  reproach  Corneille  for  not  having  written  the  fifth  act  of 
Rodogune  in  the  same  style  as  Berenice,  on  the  grounds  that  one  goes  to  hear 
tragedy  in  order  to  hear  charming  verses  J  Now,  there  are  remarkably  few  charming 
verses  in  that  act  o£  Rodogune,  for  most  of  them  are  sublime. 

If  the  great  Corneille,  instead  of  turning  his  back  on  the  stanzas  which  were  in 
common  usage  and  which  he  employed  in  a  few  monologues  in  his  early  tragedies, 
had,  on  the  contrary,  introduced  them  into  the  most  vivacious  dialogue  and  the 
most  interesting  scenes  in  the  drama,  if  he  had  written  them  in  the  magical  verse 
of  Racine,  I  have  no  doubt  that  they  would  have  produced  the  most  striking  effects, 
combining  warmth,  vigour  and  pathos  with  the  beauty  of  symmetrical,  regular, 
periodic  forms  and  all  the  charms  of  melody.  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  fmest  of  these 
stanzas  would  have  been  applauded  with  perhaps  even  greater  enthusiasm  than  ever 
greeted  the  finest  scenes  in  Cinna,  that  Corneille  would  have  been  imitated  by  his 
successors,  and  that  his  stanzas  would  have  been  consecrated  in  our  theatre.  But 
there  is  also  no  doubt  that  the  art  of  true  tragedy  would  have  gone  by  default. 
And  if  a  man  of  genius  had  then  appeared  to  compose  tragedies  in  which  he 
sacrificed  these  artificial  beauties  to  truer,  more  virile,  more  vigorous  beauties,  I 
do  not  doubt  again  that  men  of  culture,  in  order  to  justify  the  use  of  stanzas  in 
tragedy  and  to  underline  the  wonderful  effects  achieved,  would  have  adduced  the 
same  reasons  which  are  adduced  today  to  prove  that  the  Italian  arietta  is  the  most 
dramatic  form  one  can  give  to  music. 

If  no  other  poems  existed  in  the  world  but  the  epics  of  Bojardo,^^  Ariosto  and 
Tasso,  the  same  arguments  could  still  serve  to  prove  that  the  octet  is  indispensable 
to  the  epic  and  one  would  have  no  difficulty  in  finding  in  Roland  and  Jerusalem 
octets  which  contain  all  the  kinds  of  beauty  of  which  poetry  is  capable. 

I  venture  to  suggest  this  to  M.  de  la  Harpe  as  a  subject  that  might  be  worthy 
of  his  attention.  I  could  develop  it  still  further  and  apply  it  in  more  detail  to  all 
the  arts,  but  this  would  take  me  much  too  far  afield. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  reply  to  certain  points  in  M.  de  la  Harpe's  criticism 
which  I  find  particularly  distasteful.  A  man  of  letters  with  such  distinguished  gifts 
can,  without  damaging  his  reputation,  be  mistaken  about  melody  and  formal  song, 
but  it  is  inexcusable  that  he  should  be  deceived  about  what  is  owing  to  truth  and 
genius.  In  his  report  on  Armide  he  has  departed  too  far  from  the  truth,  and,  when 
one  knows  that  he  made  his  report  on  the  first  performance  without  having  seen  it, 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  his  pen  was  guided  by  pure  love  of  art.  He  prides 
himself  on  the  strictest  impartiality,  yet  this  is  how  his  impartiahty  finds  expression. 
It  seems  that  the  chorus,  'Poursuivons  jusq'au  trepas',  was  well  received.  But  can 
anyone  believe  that  M.  de  la  Harpe  was  seriously  concerned  to  report  accurately 


120  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

on  the  effect  of  this  chorus  which,  both  in  rehearsals  and  in  all  the  performances, 
aroused  the  most  lively  and  universal  enthusiasm  ?  And  can  one  interpret  this 
approach  otherwise  than  as  an  attempt  to  cover  up  a  success  which  was  disagreeable 
to  him? 

In  the  same  article,  to  prove  that  your  Armide  cannot  succeed,  he  says  that  it  is  a 
bad  opera,  that  it  developes  in  a  way  that  is  not  suitable  for  music;  in  the  next 
issue,  being  unable  to  dispute  the  success  o£  Armide,  he  admits  it  as  feebly  as  he 
possibly  can  and  says  that  with  such  a  poem  as  Quinault's  it  is  very  difficult  not 
to  attract  the  public.  Is  this  impartiality  and  justice? 

When,  in  order  to  give  the  music  as  small  a  share  as  possible  in  the  success  of 
the  opera,  he  attributed  it  mainly  to  the  perfect  execution  and  to  a  rare  combination 
of  talents,  is  one  to  take  M.  de  la  Harpe  seriously? 

When,  in  order  to  deny  you  the  honour  of  having  been  the  first  to  conceive 
an  opera  plan  that  is  both  musical  and  dramatic,  he  says  that  in  Iphiginie  you 
followed  a  plan  devised  by  Algarotti,-"^^  is  he  again  showing  impartiality  in  making 
an  assertion  that  can  so  easily  be  disproved?  For  the  plan  of  your  Iphigenie,  a  truly 
dramatic  plan,  the  execution  of  which  does  great  honour  to  the  poet,  has  nothing, 
absolutely  nothing,  in  common  with  that  of  Algarotti,  which  I  have  before  me 
and  which  is  simply  Racine's  plan  reduced  and  cut  to  the  Italian  form. 

When,  in  order  to  denigrate  your  system  and  your  works,  he  says  that  you 
seem  to  have  set  out  to  eliminate  the  song  from  the  lyrical  drama  and  that  you 
appear  to  be  convinced,  as  your  supporters  keep  repeating,  that  the  song  is  contrary 
to  the  nature  of  the  dialogue,  etc.,  how  is  one  to  describe  such  an  imputation,  since 
your  plan,  on  the  contrary,  is  to  enliven  the  recitative  by  almost  continual  vocal 
phrases,  since  M.  Rousseau  finds  that  the  song  comes  through  your  every  pore, 
and  since  none  of  your  supporters  could  possibly  have  said  or  written  anything  so 
absurd  as  has  been  so  gratuitously  ascribed  to  them  ? 

These  words  of  denigration  and  contempt  which  he  employs  for  no  other 
reason  and  vnth  no  other  effect  than  to  wound  a  man  of  genius,  how  can  one 
reconcile  them  wdth  the  principles  of  an  honest  and  balanced  criticism?  He 
reproaches  you.  Monsieur,  with  having  made  Armide  a  sorceress.  In  applying  so 
improperly  a  word  culled  from  his  memory,  did  he  attach  any  meaning  to  it? 
If  Armide  is  an  enchantress  in  Quinault's  verses,  could  M.  de  la  Harpe  perhaps  tell 
us  by  what  artistic  means  you  have  turned  her  into  a  sorceress  ? 

Is  it  a  tone  that  is  becoming  to  criticism  to  say  that  the  part  of  Armide  is  a 
monotonous  and  fatiguing  shriek  almost  from  one  end  to  the  other? 

Is  it  with  any  real  awareness  of  what  he  is  saying  that  M.  de  la  Harpe  reproaches 
you,  Monsieur,  with  affecting  to  counterfeit  nature  ?  He  knows  his  own  language 
too  well  not  to  realize  that  to  counterfeit  means  to  burlesque,  but  it  seems  to  me  that 
until  now  no  trace  of  burlesque  has  been  found  in  your  tragedies.  He  also  seems  to 
be  afraid  that  imitations  in  music  may  be  too  near  the  truth.  Let  him  be  reassured. 
Tones  and  intervals  in  harmony,  accompanied  by  violins,  oboes  and  trumpets,  will 
never  be  mistaken  for  the  cries  of  a  man  in  pain.  It  must  be  admitted  that  for  some 
time  strange  things  have  been  said  and  written  about  imitation  and  truth  in 
the  arts. 

What  a  sad  spectacle  it  is  when  the  critic  derives  pleasure  from  seeking  to  disturb 
the  artist  at  his  work  and  persecute  him  in  his  success !  And  if  this  artist  is  acknow- 
ledged to  be  a  man  of  genius,  the  creator  of  a  new  genre,  who  for  several  years  has 
been  intoxicating  the  entire  nation  with  a  pleasure  which  one  has  sometimes  shared 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  121 

oneself,  is  it  possible  iu  these  first  moments  when  one  should  be  filled  with 
admiration  and  appreciation  to  tliink  of  disputing  his  triumph  and  dashing  the 
laurel  wreath  from  his  brow  just  when  the  public  has  crowned  him? 

If  this  man  of  genius  is  a  foreigner  whose  sole  reason  for  coming  among  us 
was  the  desire  to  earn  our  applause  and  to  bring  us  fresh  pleasures,  does  he  not 
deserve  still  more  respect  and  appreciation?  Finally,  if  this  man  of  genius  ex- 
periences all  the  contradictions  which  invariably  pursue  great  and  successful  talents ; 
if  he  is  a  prey  to  the  petty  persecutions  and  secret  intrigues  of  a  large  cabal  of 
virtuosos,  strolling  fiddlers,  dilettantes,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  is  it  for  a  man  of  letters  to 
supply  the  enemies  of  talent  with  arms  and  lend  his  voice  to  the  clamours  of 
prejudice  and  jealousy? 

After  M.  de  la  Harpe  had  decided  to  use  the  impressive  words  'man  of  genius' 
in  speaking  of  you.  Monsieur,  how  could  the  first  defamatory  expression  that 
entered  his  mind  escape  from  his  pen?  Understanding,  taste  and  even  talent  in 
all  spheres  are  not  rare,  but  when  heaven  presents  the  earth  with  a  man  of  genius, 
can  one  receive  him  with  too  much  respect?  Men  of  letters  frequently  complain, 
and  with  justice,  of  the  contempt  and  indifference  that  certain  classes  of  the  public 
display  towards  men  of  talent ;  is  it  for  them  to  teach  the  public  to  treat  genius 
with  familiarity,  or  should  they  not  rather  set  an  example  in  the  respect  due  to 
him? 

If  it  were  ever  permitted  to  attack  a  man  of  genius  openly  in  the  midst  of  his 
success  and  to  speak  out  against  the  applause  of  the  public,  it  could  only  be  out  of 
zeal  to  prevent  artistic  principles  from  being  corrupted,  to  enlighten  a  misguided 
public,  to  lead  back  to  the  truth  an  artist  who  has  strayed.  But  when  one  does  not 
even  know  the  language  of  the  art  one  wishes  to  defend,  when  one  can  only  set 
one's  own  private  feelings  against  those  of  the  public  and  pit  against  the  informed 
judgment  of  the  most  skilful  connoisseurs  mere  vague,  superficial  ideas  which 
have  already  been  vainly  repeated  by  others,  what  influence  can  one  have 
on  public  opinion?  What  service  can  one  render  to  an  art  one  does  not 
know? 

M.  de  la  Harpe  had  doubtless  no  intention  of  teaching  you  something  new. 
Monsieur,  when  he  told  you  that  beautiful  melody  is  beautiful,  that  the  soul  must 
be  reached  without  offending  the  ear,  and  that  one  must  try  to  combine  beautiful 
songs  with  expression.  No  one  would  dispute  these  great  truths.  But  when  he 
adds  that  the  most  melodious  song  must  be  combined  wdth  the  strongest  expression, 
the  symmetrical  and  periodic  forms  with  the  truth  of  dramatic  action,  as  the 
Italian  composers  have  done  and  still  do,  then  he  is  stating  something  which  he  is 
in  no  position  to  prove  or  even  to  conceive. 

If  I  were  to  say  to  a  painter,  'I  would  like  you  to  combine  force  with  grace, 
perfection  of  design  with  the  magic  of  colour,'  he  would  almost  certainly  reply 
that  he  too  would  like  to  do  it.  But  if  I  said  to  him,  'I  seek  in  a  picture  the  proud, 
bold,  skilful  touches  of  Michelangelo  together  with  the  pure,  flowing,  mellow 
strokes  of  Correggio,  the  truth  and  depth  of  expression  of  Dominicino,  the  graceful, 
piquant  head  of  a  Parmigiano,  the  effects  of  light,  the  fresh,  glowing  colours  and 
the  soft,  harmonious  transitions  that  enthral  me  in  Titian's  pictures,  those  great 
masses  and  strong  contrasts  of  light  and  shade  that  give  movement  and  grandeur 
to  the  compositions  of  Hannibal  Carracci,'  then  my  painter  would  perhaps  say 
to  me,  as  Apelles  said  to  Megabises:  'Speak  softly,  lest  the  young  boy  who  is 
mixing  my  colours  should  laugh  at  you.' 


122  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

There  are  certain  kinds  of  beauty  which,  by  their  very  nature,  are  above  the 
criteria  of  art.  Is  it  not  absurd,  on  looking  at  the  figure  of  Laocoon  as  he  utters  his 
cries,  his  features  convulsed,  his  muscles  swollen  by  pain,  to  seek  the  grace  and 
nobility,  the  elegance  of  form,  the  imposing  calm  which  radiate  from  the  Apollo 
Belvedere  ? 

There  are  also  quahties  which  are  excluded  by  virtue  of  the  imperfection  of 
human  nature;  the  greatest  talent  has  its  limitations  and  the  greatest  artists  have 
always  sacrificed  certain  parts  of  their  art  in  favour  of  others  which  touched  them 
more  closely.  But,  although  Raphael  has  not  the  brilliance  of  Guido  or  the  colour 
of  Titian,  he  is  none  the  less  the  first  of  painters. 

M.  de  la  Harpe  will  be  furious  again  at  my  enthusiasm  on  your  behalf,  Monsieur, 
but  I  am  proud  of  it.  As  I  have  already  said,  enthusiasm  is  the  only  way  to  enjoy 
the  arts.  He  who  is  merely  just  is  cold,  and  it  is  better  to  wax  enthusiastic  over  a 
man  of  genius  than  to  be  fanatical  over  a  man  of  mediocre  talent. 

But  my  enthusiasm  for  a  man  of  genius  has  never  worked  to  the  detriment  of 
any  of  his  rivals ;  he  who  truly  loves  the  arts  may  show  preference  but  not  in- 
tolerance. I  have  always  been  a  champion  and  sometimes  a  friend  to  composers 
who  laid  the  foundations  of  good  music  among  us;  I  have  never  belittled 
anyone. 

A  famous  maestro  who  sets  out  to  enrich  our  lyrical  theatre  with  a  product 
of  his  brilliant,  facile  and  fertile  genius  will  find  no  more  sincere  admirer  and  no 
more  zealous  champion  than  I;  a  reputation  proven  by  twenty  years  of  success  has 
no  need  to  be  vindicated  by  our  applause,  and,  whatever  plan  and  method  he  may 
adopt  for  a  species  of  melodrama  which  is  very  different  from  those  he  has  been 
engaged  upon  so  far,  it  is  impossible  that  his  music  should  not  be  full  of  beauty  of 
the  highest  order  and  should  not  be  applauded  by  all  men  of  taste. 

My  admiration  for  you,  Monsieur,  does  not  also  prevent  me  from  finding 
shortcomings  in  your  works.  I  do  not  believe  that  you  have  an  all-seeing  mind  or 
an  all-embracing  genius.  I  too  like  symmetrical,  regular  arias,  the  duets  and  trios 
beautifully  svmg  and  in  beautiful  harmony;  those  you  have  introduced  in  your 
works  have  given  me  so  much  pleasure  and  have  been  so  universally  applauded 
that  I  sometimes  felt  the  lack  of  them  at  certain  moments  when  the  situation  and 
the  feelings  of  the  characters  seemed  to  me  to  call  for  this  kind  of  beauty.  But, 
before  I  reproach  you  with  this,  I  would  like  to  ask  you  yourself  what  reasons 
you  had  for  denying  yourself  such  means  of  giving  pleasure  which  come  to  you  so 
easily?  For  if  I  were  to  speak  to  you  of  your  art,  it  would  be  to  ask  for  instruction 
and  not  to  give  it.  It  would  be  in  order  to  ask  you  what  means  of  expression 
pertain  especially  to  melody  and  harmony,  to  vocal  and  to  instrumental  music, 
up  to  what  point  the  accents  of  the  recitative  must  conform  to  those  of  declamation. 
What  particular  instinct  inspires  you  to  write  songs  of  a  simple,  religious  character, 
which  seem  to  transport  us  into  the  heart  of  a  Greek  temple  and  which  fill  us 
both  with  terror  and  with  awe,  as,  for  example,  the  chorus  in  the  first  act  of 
Alceste  and  that  in  the  third  act  of  IphigMe;  And  finally  what  mental  power 
gives  you  the  sangfroid  necessary  to  embrace  all  the  parts  of  a  great  drama  at 
once  and  to  subordinate  them  one  to  another,  with  the  verve  and  enthusiasm 
which  you  bring  to  all  this  ? 

But  you  have  something  better  to  do  than  instruct  us  in  our  ignorance ;  continue 
to  enthral  us  with  fresh  fruits  of  your  labours.  Resign  yourself  to  criticism  and 
even  to  satire;  it  is  a  price  genius  has  always  paid  for  human  weakness.  Be  content 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  123 

witli  the  glory  of  having  created  a  new  genre  of  dramatic  music  which  will  mark 
the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  arts,  for  I  venture  to  predict 
that  the  revolution  wliich  you  have  effected  in  our  lyrical  theatre  will  spread  to 
the  other  theatres  in  Europe,  and  all  composers,  according  as  they  have  more  or 
less  genius  and  sensibility,  will  advance  more  or  less  along  the  path  you  have 
opened  up  for  them. 

This  revolution  has  been  a  long  time  in  the  making  and  during  that  time  men 
of  taste  have  been  longing  for  it.  It  is  true  that,  whereas  the  light  was  expected  to 
come  from  the  east,  it  has  come  from  the  north.  This  accident  has  somewhat 
disconcerted  the  prophets  and  has  deprived  you  of  several  zealots,  but  in  the  end 
the  public  is  just,  and  posterity,  which  cares  little  whether  you  were  born  in 
Prague  or  in  Naples,  will  place  you  amongst  the  small,  select  band  of  creative 
geniuses. 

Accept,  Monsieur,  the  homage  I  pay  you  as  a  very  feeble  token  of  my  admiration 
for  your  sublime  talents  and  of  my  gratitude  for  the  boundless  pleasure  which 
your  works  have  so  often  given  me. 


^  LoDOVico  Antonio  Muratori  (born  Vignola/Modena  21st  October 

1 672,  died  Modena  23  rd  January  1750)  was  librarian  of  the  Ambrosian  Library 

in  Milan  and  later  of  the  Duke  of  Modena;  he  fmally  became  Provost 

at  Santa  Maria  della  Pomposa.   He  has  been  described  as  the  'father  of 

Itahan  historical  research'. 

^  Domenico  Gravina  (born  Naples  circa  1573,  died  Naples  29th  August 

1643)  was  Vicar-General  of  the  Dominican  Order  and  wrote  an  essay 

entitled  'De  choro  et  cantu  ecclesiastico'. 

^  Apostolo  Zeno  (bom  Venice  nth  December  1668,  died  Venice  nth 

November  1750)  was  the  most  important  Italian  opera  librettist  before 

Metastasio.  From  171 8  to  1729  he  was  Court  Poet  in  Vienna,  then  in  his 

native  Venice. 

^  Benedetto  Marcello  (born  Venice  24th  July  1686,  died  Brescia  25th 

July  1739)  studied  law,  then  became  a  Court  and  Govermnent  official.  He 

established  his  reputation  as  'principe  della  musica'  by  setting  to  music 

fifty  psalms  which  his  friend  G.  A.  Giustiniani  had  translated  into  Italian. 

His  book,  Teatro  alia  moda,  contains  some  trenchant  criticisms  of  contemporary 

opera  and  is  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of  opera. 

^  Conti.  It  is  not  clear  whether  J.  B.  Suard  was  referring  here  to  the  Abbate 

Antonio  I.  Conti  (born  Venice  circa  1768,  died  circa  1749),  friend  of 

Marcello  and  Newton,  who  wrote  a  Dissertazione  sulla  musica  imitativa 

(Venice,  1756),  or  to  Conti  de  Cesena,  who  in  1774  submitted  a  Dissertazio 

sopra  il  quesito:  Dimostrare,  che  cosa fosse,  e  quantaparte  avesse  la  musica  to  the 

Academy  of  Mantua. 

*  Antonio  Eximeno,  S.J.  (born  Valencia  26th  November  1729,  died 

Rome  9th  June  1808).  After  the  suppression  of  the  Order  of  Jesuits  in 

Spain  in  1767,  he  devoted  himself  entirely  to  music  and  published  his  famous 

book,  Deir  origine  e  delle  regole  della  musica  colla  storia  del suo progresso ,  decadenza 

e  rinnovazione  (Rome,  1774),  in  which  he  attacked  the  traditional  view  that 

music  and  mathematics  were  closely  related. 

'Jean  de  la  Bruyere  (bom  Paris  i6th  August  1645,    died  Versailles  loth 


124  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

May  1696),  the  famous  French  morahst.  He  started,  as  a  lawyer,  then  became 

Head,  of  Treasury  at  Caen  and  was  later  attached  to  the  Court  at  Chantilly. 

His  most  famous  work  is  Car  acter  es  de  Theophraste,  traduits  du  grec,  avec  les 

caracteres  ou  les  moeurs  de  ce  siede  (Paris  1688),  which  contains  shrewd  and  witty 

observations  on  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV. 

^  Aristides  Quintilianus,  a  Greek  music  historian  of  the  post-Ciceronian 

period,  whose  work  'Tlepl  fiovaixrjs' ,  according  to  Hermann  Abert,  is  one 

of  our  main  sources  of  information  on  ancient  music. 

^Etienne    Maurice    Falconet  (bom  Vevey    1716,   died    Paris   4th 

January  1791),  well-known  French  sculptor,  amongst  whose  works  were  a 

statue  of  St  Ambrose  for  the  Church  of  the  Invalides  in  Paris  and  an 

equestrian  statue  of  Peter  the  Great  in  Petersburg.  Amongst  his  published 

works  was  Reflexions  sur  la  sculpture  (Paris,  1768). 

^°  Nothing  further  is  known  of  Marquis  de  Mascarille. 

^^  Nothing  further  is  known  of  Monsieur  Caritides. 

i^Matteo  Maria  Bojardo,  Count  of  Scandiano  (bom  Scandiano 

circa  1434,  died  Reggio  20th  December  1494),  Itahan  poet  whose  Orlando 

innamorato  (Scandiano,  1498)  made  him  famous. 

1^  Francesco   Conte  Algarotti  (bom  Venice  nth  December  1712, 

died  Pisa  3rd  May,  1764),  w^ell-known  Italian  author  who  was  invited  to  the 

Prussian  Court  in  Berlin  by  Frederick  II,  was  the  embodiment  of  the'  tasteful 

dilettantism  of  the  time'.  Important  as  a  contribution  to  the  development 

of  music  is  his  Saggio  sopra  V opera  in  musica  (1755),  in  which  he  called  for  the 

operatic  reforms  which  Gluck  carried  through.  It  contains  the  text  of  a 

five-act  opera,  Iphigenie  enAulide. 


[To  Baroness  Anna  von  Fries.^  French] 
Madame, 

I  have  been  so  plagued  over  music  and  I  am  so  disgusted  with  it, 
that  at  present  I  would  not  write  a  single  note  for  a  louis.  So  you  can 
imagine  the  extent  of  my  devotion  to  you,  Madame,  since  I  could 
resolve  to  arrange  for  the  harp  the  two  songs  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  send  you,^  Never  was  a  more  terrible  and  more  hotly- 
disputed  battle  fought  than  that  over  my  opera  Armide.  The  cabals 
against  Iphigenie,  Orphee  and  Alceste  were  by  comparison  mere  petty 
encounters  with  minor  forces.  The  Ambassador  of  Naples,  in  order 
to  ensure  that  Piccinni's  opera  should  be  a  great  success,  has  been 
intriguing  indefatigably  against  me  both  at  Court  and  amongst  the 
nobility.  He  has  won  over  Marmontel,  La  Harpe  and  several  acad- 
emicians to  write  against  my  musical  system  and  my  way  of  com- 
posing. M.  I'Abbe  Arnaud,  M.  Suard  and  a  few  others  have  rallied 
to  my  defence  and  the  quarrel  became  so  heated  that  insults  would 
have  led  to  deeds,  if  mutual  friends  had  not  restored  order  amongst 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  125 

them.  The  Journal  de  Paris,  which  is  sold  daily,  is  full  of  it.  This 
dispute  is  making  the  Editor  a  fortune,  for  he  already  has  more  than 
2,500  subscribers  in  Paris.  There,  then,  you  have  the  revolution  in 
French  music  carried  out  with  the  most  blatant  pomp.  The  enthu- 
siasts tell  me:  Monsieur,  you  are  fortunate  to  enjoy  the  honours  of 
persecution;  all  great  geniuses  have  experienced  this.  I  would  gladly 
send  them  to  the  devil  with  their  fine  speeches.  The  fact  is  that  the 
opera  which  was  said  to  have  failed  produced  in  seven  performances 
37,200  livres  without  reckoning  the  boxes  rented  for  the  year  and 
the  subscribers.  Yesterday  the  eighth  performance  brought  in  5,767 
livres.  Never  has  such  a  terrible  crush  nor  such  a  sustained  silence 
been  known  before.  The  pit  was  so  crowded  that  one  man,  who  had 
his  hat  on  and  was  told  by  the  attendant  to  remove  it,  rephed :  'Come 
and  remove  it  yourself,  for  I  cannot  use  my  arms.'  That  raised  a 
laugh.  I  saw  people  coming  out  with  their  hair  dishevelled  and  their 
clothes  wringing  wet,  as  if  they  had  fallen  into  a  river.  Only  a 
Frenchman  would  pay  such  a  price  for  his  pleasure.  There  are  six 
points  in  the  opera  at  which  the  public  are  forced  to  lose  countenance 
and  are  carried  away.  Come,  Madame,  and  see  this  tumult;  it  will 
amuse  you  as  much  as  the  opera  itself.  I  am  in  despair  that  I  cannot 
leave  yet  on  account  of  the  bad  road :  my  wife  is  too  frightened.  I 
beg  you  to  pay  my  comphments  to  the  Baron  and  to  Monsieur 
Gontard.^  I  remain  with  the  most  perfect  esteem, 

Madame, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
Le  Chevalier  Gluck. 
PS.  My  wife  sends  you  a  thousand  tender  regards. 
Paris,  16  November  1777. 


^  Anna  Baroness  von  Fries,  nee   d'Eschemy,  was   the  wife  of  the 
Freiherr  Johann  von  Fries. 

^  He  is  presumably  referring  to  two  odes  by  Klopstock,  which  Gluck  had 
arranged  for  the  harp.  These  arrangements  have  so  far  remained  untraced. 
^Johann  Jakob  Freiherr  von  Gontard  administered  not  only  the 
Viennese  banking  firm  of  Fries  &  Co.  but  also  part  of  Gluck's  personal 
fortune,  amounting  to  9,000  gulden  and  invested  in  a  life  annuity  at 
8  per  cent,  interest.  He  was  born  in  Frankfurt-am-Main  in  1739.  In  1776  he 
became  a  member  of  the  Lodge  of  Freemasons  'Zur  gekrönten  Hoffnung', 
to  which  Mozart  also  belonged.  He  died  of  senile  decay  in  Vienna  on  30th 
January  18 19. 


126 


The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 


[From  Bernard  Saurin^  to  Gluck.  French] 

[before  28th  December  1777] 

Couplets 
Stir  Vair:  Du  haut  en  has 

Ton  Art  divin, 
Puissant  Maitre  de  rHarmonie, 

Ton  Art  divin, 
En  miracles  s'epuise  en  vain; 
Plus  tu  triomphes,  plus  I'Envie 
Montre  de  fureur  &  decrie 

Ton  Art  divin. 

De  tous  les  temps, 
Ce  fut  aventure  pareille 

De  tous  les  temps. 
Laisse  dire  les  mecreans ; 
Reine  du  coeur  &  de  I'oreille, 
Ta  lyre  sera  la  merveille 

De  tous  les  temps. 

The  text  of  the  original  couplet  ran  as  follows : 

Du  haut  en  bas 
Vous  traitez  vos  amans,  CHmene, 

Du  haut  en  bas : 
Pour  moi,  je  ne  m'en  plaindrai  pas: 
Car  j'aime  assez  qu'une  inhumaine, 
Quand  je  suis  amoureux,  me  mene 

Du  haut  en  bas. 

It  w^as  sung  to  the  following  tune : 


iz  I  ^ 


j^.jjij.ij^fTtf  ri^'  Ji^^ 


^ 


^  1 1   rTfr 


'r^firrr+^^+^i'ijiJ^-iiJ-  i 


1  Bernard  Saurin,  who  was  bom  in  Paris  in  1706,  was  Secretary  to  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  and  a  well-known  dramatic  poet.  He  died  in  his  native 
Cityini78i. 


[From  the  'Amateurs'  to  Gluck.  French] 
In  our  musical  repertoire.  Monsieur,  we  have  a  scene  from  Armide  ('le  perfide 
Renaud  me  fuit').  M.  Cambini,^  who  is  the  author,  begs  us,  for  reasons  of  delicacy 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghick  127 

and  out  of  respect  for  this  piece  which  is  so  well  treated  in  your  opera,  no  longer 
to  perform  liis  scene. 

You  may  rest  assured,  Monseiur,  that  we  would  share  the  honesty  and  delicacy 
of  M.  Cambini,  if  it  were  possible  that  liis  scene  might  harm  yours  or  yours  his. 
The  two  scenes  in  their  respective  places,  one  in  the  theatre,  the  other  in  the 
concert-hall,  have  different  merits.  We  hope,  Monsieur,  that  you  will  reply  to  this 
letter  in  such  a  way  as  to  persuade  M.  Cambini  to  continue  to  enjoy  the  success 
of  his  work,  which  was  known  at  our  concert  two  years  before  you  had  made 
your  opera. 

^  Giovanni  Giuseppe  Cambini  (1746-1825)  had  composed  the  fmal 
scene  o£  Armide  ('Le  perfide  Renaud  me  fuit')  two  years  before  Gluck.  On 
27th  January  1777  it  was  performed  by  Mile  du  Chateau  in  the  Concert  des 
Amateurs  and  it  was  to  be  repeated  in  January  1778,  Gluck  answered  this 
letter  as  follows : 


[To  THE  'Amateurs'.  French] 

[January  1778] 
M.  Gluck  is  very  sensible  of  the  honesty  of  Mm.  les  Amateurs  and 
of  M.  Cambini;  he  has  the  honour  to  assure  these  gentlemen  that  he 
will  have  great  pleasure  in  hearing  the  Armide  scene  by  M.  Cambini 
performed.  It  vi^ould  be  tyranny  in  music  to  profess  that  the 'Amateurs' 
should  not  be  allowed  to  perform  their  productions.  M.  Gluck 
enters  into  no  competition  with  anyone  and  he  will  always  take 
pleasure  in  hearing  better  music  than  his  own.  One  must  have  but 
one  aim :  the  advancement  of  art. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris  on  20th  March,  1778] 

Vienna,  2nd  March  1778 
Dearest  friend ! 

Yesterday  afternoon  we  arrived  here,  after  we  had  endured  much 
discomfort  on  this  journey,  the  coach  and  wheels  broken  and  stuck 
in  the  snow  and  every  other  form  of  misfortune.  Moreover,  I 
arrived  here  at  the  wrong  time,  for  everyone  is  preparing  for  war,^ 
which  wiU  be  difficult  to  avert.  I  am  sending  you  a  letter  to  Mile  le 
Vasseur  together  with  the  ring,  which  I  beg  you  to  give  soon  to  Mr 
Zoller,^  so  that  he  can  put  the  piece  in,  and  also  our  comphments 
to  the  same;  when  the  ring  has  been  cleaned  and  is  in  order,  I  pray 


128  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

you  hand,  the  same  to  Mile  le  Vasseur  together  with  the  letter.  To- 
morrow I  propose  to  go  to  HofF  to  see  what  is  happening  there.  Do 
not  forget  to  send,  me  plenty  of  news  and  a  few  scores  hom.  Armide,^ 
if  you  have  not  already  sent  them.  My  head  is  still  quite  thick  from 
the  journey.  I  simply  do  not  know  what  I  am  writing  to  you.  Our 
respects  to  Herr  von  BlumendorfF,  to  you  and  all  our  good  friends. 
Remember  us,  as  we  you,  with  affection  and-think  sometimes  of  your 
old  servant. 

Gluck. 

PS.  I  beg  you  to  see  to  the  enclosed  letters. 

PS.  I  duly  received  your  charming  letter  of  the  17th  and  read  it  with 

much  pleasure.  You  must  not  send  my  womenfolk  any  lace. 

^  The  outbreak  of  the  Bavarian  War  of  Succession  between  Prussia, 
alhed  with  Saxony,  and  Austria  had  become  inevitable  when  Frederick  the 
Great  took  exception  to  the  treaty  concluded  in  January  1778  between  the 
Emperor  Joseph  II  and  the  Elector  Karl  Theodor  of  the  Palatinate.  In 
subsequent  letters  Gluck  gives  his  friends  in  Paris  detailed  reports  on  the  course 
of  the  campaign. 

^  Nothing  further  is  known  about  the  jeweller  Zoller. 
^  The  composer  had  been  in  touch  with  a  new  publisher  in  connection  with 
Armide:  Charles  Mathon  de  la  Cour,  proprietor  of  the  Bureau  du  Journal 
de  musique.  The  engraving  of  the  score  was  done  by  Mme  Lobry,  who  had 
already  engraved  the  Orphee  score  in  1774  and  the  piano  part  in  L'Arbre 
enchante  in  1775. 


[From  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock  to  Gluck.  German] 

Hamburg,  i6th  March  1778 
Brockmann^  is  bringing  this  letter  to  you.  He  is  a  man  who  can  understand 
and  feel  what  you  sing  to  him. 

You  have  certainly  not  yet  forgotten  and  never  will  forget  your  dear  little 
one,^  nor  will  I.  How  would  it  be  if  once  on  your  long  journeys  you  went  to 
Paris  by  way  of  Hamburg?  We  wanted  to  look  after  you  properly  with  young  and 
unspoiled  attention,  if  you  sang  something  .  .  .  [illegible]  with  old  wine.  I  hear 
that  the  Hermannsschlacht  is  to  be  produced  in  Vienna.  Have  you  already  progressed 
so  far  with  the  composition?  A  few  words  on  this.  But  will  the  beautiful,  splendid, 
delicious,  beneficent  war  not  cause  this,  like  many  other  things,  to  stand  still? 
The  Kaiser^  wins  my  heart  more  and  more.  He  makes  a  tremendous  mistake  if 
he  thinks  the  old  man  in  Potsdam  has  grown  too  old.*  If  it  were  not  that  in  war 
everything  lies  fallov/,  which  is  better  than  war,  then  I  would  repeat  my  request 
to  you  to  remind  the  Kaiser  that  he  did  not  keep  the  promise  he  made  through  me 
to  the  scholars.  But  now — 

Your 

Klopstock 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  129 

^Johann  Franz  Hieronymus  Brockmann  was  born  in  Graz  on  30th 
September  1745.  He  became  an  itinerant  comedian  and  belonged,  inter  alia, 
to  the  troupes  of  Joseph  Bodenburg  (1748-1788)  and  Joseph  von  Kurz- 
Bernadon  (1715-1784).  In  1771  Brockmann  joined  the  theatre  in  Hamburg, 
which  at  that  time  was  under  the  direction  of  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schröder 
(1744-18 1 6)  and  where  he  became  the  leading  actor  in  Germany,  frequently 
compared  with  Garrick.  On  6th  April  1778  he  arrived  in  Vienna  on  tour  and 
on  30th  April  made  his  first  appearance  as  Essex  in  the  tragedy  Die  Gunst 
der  Fürsten,  by  Christian  Heinrich  Schmid.  From  1789  to  1791  he  directed 
the  Hof  burgtheater  in  Vienna,  where  he  died  on  12th  April  18 12. 
2  Marianne  Nanette  Gluck. 
^Joseph  II. 

^  Friedrich  II  (the  Great),  King  of  Prussia,  bom  on  24th  January  1712, 
reigned  from  1740  until  his  death  on  17th  August  1786. 


[To  DE  ViSMES.^  French] 

From  Vienna,  ist  April  1778 
Monsieur, 

I  received  your  kind  letter  with  much  pleasure,  and  I  have  been 
very  appreciative  of  the  marks  of  friendship  and  expressions  of  good- 
will which  you  show  to  me.  I  hope  that  some  day  an  occasion  may 
arise  when  I  shall  be  able  to  show  you  all  my  appreciation.  In  the 
meantime  I  wish  you  every  success  in  your  new  enterprise,  which, 
my  heart  tells  me,  will  not  be  denied  you,  for  you  have  all  the 
quahties  necessary  to  make  it  succeed.  It  only  remains  for  me  to  beg 
you  to  continue  your  friendship  which  is  so  dear  to  me  and  to 
accept  the  expressions  of  esteem  and  regard  with  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  be 

Monsieur 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient 
Servant 
Chevaher  Gluck 
PS.  I  beg  you  to  give  my  respects  to  M.  de  Campan.^ 
[Address :] 

From  Vienna 
To  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Vismes 
Place  de  Victoires 
ä  Paris 

1  Anne  Pierre  Jacques  Vismes  de  Valgay  was  bom  in  Paris  in  1745. 
He  was  Sub-Director  of  the  Treasury  until  1778,  when  he  acquired  a 


130  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

twelve-year  concession  for  the  Academic  royale  de  musique.  He  was  an 

enthusiastic  Gluckist.  He  died  at  Coudebec  in  1 8 19. 

2  Campan  was  valet  de  chambre  de  la  Reine  and  had  sponsored  de  Vismes's 

appointment. 


[To  Nicolas  Francois  Guillard.^  French] 

Vienna,  17th  June  1778 
Your  letters  reach  me  very  late,  my  friend.  I  received  your  latest 
yesterday;  it  took  sixteen  days.  I  thought  that  you  were  ill. 

Do  you  wish  me  to  reply  as  to  the  essential  points  ?  Gladly.  In  the 
first  place,  I  will  say  that  the  changes  you  have  made  in  your  fourth 
act  are  to  no  purpose,  because  I  have  already  fmished  the  duet 
between  Orestes  and  Pylades,  and  the  final  air  of  the  act — 'Divinite 
des  grandes  ames !' — and  I  do  not  wish  to  alter  anything  in  them.  In 
what  you  call  the  fifth  act,  you  must  cut  down  the  third  strophe  of 
the  hymn,  or  else  write  a  more  interesting  one;  people  would  not 
understand  the  words,  'le  spectre  fier  et  sauvage',  which,  besides, 
scarcely  make  the  situation  any  more  moving.  Your  verses  also  must 
be  of  the  same  style,  quatre  ä  quatre ;  I  myself  have  arranged  the 
second  strophe  thus : 

Dans  les  cieux  et  sur  la  terre 
Tout  est  soumis  ä  ta  loi; 
Tout  ce  que  I'Erebe  enserre 
A  ton  nom  paht  d'effroi ! 

If  then  you  wish  to  write  a  third  strophe,  it  must  go  Hke  the  second; 
and  an  important  thing  that  must  not  be  forgotten  is  that  the 
ceremony  takes  place  while  they  are  singing,  and  that  the  same  air 
must  suit  the  ceremony.  I  also  want  Thoas,  the  high  priest,  to  enter 
in  a  fury,  in  the  fourth  scene,  singing  an  air  of  invective ;  and  every 
verse  must  be  written  without  recitative,  so  as  to  be  sung  right  up  to 
the  catastrophe.  By  this  means  the  denouement  would  be  richer  by  a 
decisive  emotion  and  warmth,  which  would  penetrate  the  actors 
and  chorus  with  an  irresistible  effect.  So,  as  far  as  you  approve  my 
idea,  hasten  to  send  me  your  words;  if  not,  I  wiU  keep  to  the  words 
aheady  written. 

Now  we  come  to  the  great  air  that  ends  the  act  during  the  sacri- 
fices. Here  I  want  an  air  in  which  the  words  explain  the  music  at  the 
same  time  as  the  situation.  The  sense  must  terminate  at  the  end  of 
each  verse,  and  not  be  repeated  either  at  the  beginning  or  in  the 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  131 

middle  of  the  following  verses.  This  is  an  essential  condition  for  the 
verses ;  though  it  may  be  disregarded  in  the  recitative,  and  so  much 
the  more  happily  as  this  mode  of  division  is  a  certain  means  for  dis- 
tinguishing the  lyric  portion  from  the  recitative,  and  for  relieving 
the  melody. 

At  the  same  time,  for  the  words  I  ask  of  you,  I  want  a  verse  often 
syllables,  taking  care  to  put  a  long  and  sonorous  syllable  wherever  I 
indicate  it : 

se  mai  senti  spirarti  sul  volto 

lieve  fiato  que  lento  s'aggiri 

di,  son  questi  gh  estremi  sospiri 

del  mio  fido  che  muore  per  me. 

I  would  like  the  third  verse  to  be  cut  by  a  monosyllable  as  in 
ItaHan,  for  example,  'vois  nos  peines,  entends  nos  cris  per^ants'.  Your 
last  verse  must  be  sombre  and  solemn,  if  you  wish  it  to  be  congruous 
with  my  music. 

After  these  four  verses — or  eight,  if  you  wish,  provided  they  are 
all  in  the  same  metre — will  come  the  chorus,  Contemplez  ces 
tristes  apprets !'  and  this  appears  to  me  to  suit  the  situation  very  well. 
I  want  the  air  here  to  have  pretty  nearly  the  same  sense.  After  the 
chorus,  the  air  will  be  resumed  da  capo,  or  else  there  will  simply  be 
the  four  verses  you  have  written.  I  explain  myself  rather  confusedly, 
for  my  head  is  excited  with  music;  if  you  do  not  understand  me,  we 
will  leave  the  thing  till  my  arrival,  and  then  it  will  be  soon  done; 
the  rest,  I  think,  we  will  leave  as  it  is,  cutting  dov^ni  the  recitatives 
here  and  there,  wherever  they  seem  to  be  too  long  and  mere  repeti- 
tions. This  will  not  damage  the  work,  which  ought,  I  think,  to  have 
an  astonishing  effect. 

On  the  question  of  my  establishment  I  will  await  your  first  letter 
with  the  proposals,  before  I  give  you  my  opinion.  Meanwhile, 
arrange  it  so  that  the  Queen  only  asks  for  me  for  an  indefmite  period, 
for  a  few  years,  to  get  me  out  of  here  in  comfort.  But  let  her  do  this 
without  losing  time,  because  I  can  no  longer  travel  in  winter.  I  would 
leave  at  the  beginning  of  September.  I  must  know  a  couple  of 
months  in  advance  so  that  I  can  sell  my  effects  and  arrange  my 
affairs.  Farewell,  my  very  dear  friend.  I  embrace  you  with  all  my 
heart,  as  also  our  acquaintances. 

PS.  I  cannot  fmd  the  Prologo.^  In  any  case,  the  Abbe  Pezzona^ 
could  have  it  sent  from  Parma.  Mention  it  to  our  dear  Abbe, 
This  is  how  I  would  like  the  piece  to  be  divided  into  four  acts : 


132  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Scene  i 
Orestes  and  Pylades  in  chains;  the  whole  scene  rests  upon  and 
ends  with  the  aria :  unis  de  la  plus  tendre  enfance. 

Scene  2 
Orestes,  Pylades,  the  Minister,  the  five  verses  remain  cut,  for 
they  are  superfluous. 

Scene  3 
Orestes  alone 

Scene  4 
Orestes,  the  Eumenides 

Scene  5 
Iphigenia  alone  with  Orestes,  without  bringing  Pylades  back.  This 
scene  can  become  interesting  in  dialogue  and  the  word 'Agamemnon', 
which  Orestes  repeats  three  times,  is  interesting.  This  will  form  a 
kind  of  duet  between  the  two  leading  actors.  The  greater  part  of 
what  they  have  to  say  can  remain.  That  will  give  added  variety  to 
the  piece,  for  Orestes  and  Pylades  are  too  often  together  as  it  is  and 
everything  that  he  [Pylades]  says  in  this  scene  is  unimportant  and 
forced.  Orestes  by  himself  is  in  a  good  position ;  Iphigenia  almost 
tears  the  words  from  him  by  force.  So  it  is  not  necessary  for  him  to 
be  held  back  by  Pylades.  Do  this  scene  as  quickly  as  possible ;  I  would 
like  the  opera  to  be  finished  by  the  end  of  July. 

Scene  6 
The  sacrifice  scene,  then  the  end  of  the  act.  So  the  opera  can  remain 
in  four  acts.  But  dividing  it  into  five,  the  end  of  the  second  act  is,  in 
my  view,  bad,  because  the  Eumenides  appear  to  Orestes  only  in  a 
dream  and  in  his  imagination.  This  destroys  the  idea  that,  on  seeing 
Iphigenia,  he  thinks  he  sees  his  mother.  He  must  still  be  immersed  in 
his  dream  when  he  speaks  the  words:  'Ma  mere!  Ciel!'  otherwise 
they  would  lose  their  effect.  The  act  will  be  a  little  longer,  but  no 
matter.  Everything  in  it  is  warmer. 

1  Nicolas  Francois  Guillard  was  born  in  Chartres  in  1752.  He  joined 
the  literary  elite  of  Paris  and  wrote  a  number  of  pieces,  which  were  soon 
forgotten.  In  1779  he  attended  a  performance  of  Gluck's  Iphighie  en  Aulide, 
about  which  he  was  so  enthusiastic  that  he  wrote  his  IphigMe  en  Tauride. 
He  died  in  1 8 14. 

2  Prologo  had  been  produced  in  Parma  on  22nd  February  1767. 
^  Nothing  further  is  known  ofABBsPEZZONA. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  133 

Interesting  is  the  fact  that  Guillard  had  also  negotiated  with  Francois 
Joseph  Gosscc  in  connection  with  his  Iphiginic.  When  Gossec  learned  that 
Gluck  had  set  Guillard's  Iphighiie  to  music,  he  wrote  to  the  latter  as  follows: 


[FsANgois  Joseph  Gossec  to  N.  F.  Guillard.  French] 

[1778] 
Monsieur, 

All  explanations  concerning  your  Iphiginie  become  useless:  you  had  destined 
this  work  for  M.  Gluck.  This  preference  was  legitimate;  he  has  accepted;  your 
expectation  is  fulfilled  and  we  must  think  no  more  of  it.  I  would  be  the  more 
easily  consoled.  Monsieur,  if  this  question  had  not  for  eight  or  ten  years  been  the 
object  of  my  desires  and  if  the  custom  of  this  country  and  the  law  of  honesty, 
which  I  profess,  did  not  make  it  impossible  that  I  should  ever  satisfy  my  inclination 
or  rather  my  violent  passion  in  this  respect.  I  hoped  that  a  skilful  man  of  letters 
might  undertake  to  deal  with  this  subject.  You  have  done  so  and  it  was  not  for  me. 
That  will  in  no  way  diminish  the  esteem  I  have  for  your  talents.  Monsieur; 
I  confess  that  mine,  which  were  stifled  at  birth,  have  not  sufficient  claim  to  confi- 
dence for  them  to  be  entrusted  with  a  dramatic  work  of  this  importance. 

Nevertheless,  in  renouncing  it,  M.  Gluck  thought  me  worthy  to  take  it  over 
(to  some  extent  he  owed  me  this  reparation  for  having  involuntarily  taken  for  his 
Iphiginie  en  Aulide  part  of  Sabinus,  my  first  venture  in  this  genre,  in  which  he  was 
kind  enough  to  find  things  worthy  of  his  attention).  When  M.  Gluck  decided  not 
to  undertake  your  work,  M.  le  Bailli  du  Rollet  promised  it  to  me  with  the  most 
complete  and  sincere  assurance  and  with  all  possible  authenticity.  I  was  counting 
upon  it,  since  you  appeared  to  be  in  favour.  Monsieur;  during  all  this  time  he 
repeated  his  promise  to  me ;  during  all  this  time  M.  Gluck  for  his  part  nourished 
my  hopes  by  appearing  markedly  disinterested  in  the  task  and  by  his  apparent 
resolve  not  to  take  on  your  work,  frequently  explaining  to  me  the  reasons  why 
he  had  decided  to  decline.  On  the  eve  of  his  departure  I  was  immediately  after 
you  in  giving  him  fresh  evidence  of  all  my  attachment  and  of  my  sincere  regret 
at  seeing  him  leave;  well.  Monsieur,  he  was  cruel  enough  not  to  correct  my  mistake 
but  protested  yet  again  that  he  was  not  undertaking  your  Iphiginie.  M.  Gluck, 
for  eight  months,  lulled  me  to  sleep  and,  during  all  this  time,  I  was  a  prey  to  a 
flattering  dream;  I  did  not  expect,  on  waking,  to  find  myself  denied  a  boon  which 
seemed  to  belong  to  me,  relying  upon  his  honesty  and  his  tact.  Such  is  the  pleasure 
of  sacrificing  eight  months  of  my  time,  eight  months  with  so  much  coming  and 
going,  rejecting  several  good  and  reputable  works,  incurring  the  displeasure 
of  several  authors  and  other  persons  of  the  greatest  distinction !  However  that 
may  be,  nothing  will  change  my  admiration  for  M.  Gluck's  great  talents  nor 
my  esteem  for  yours,  Monsieur;  a  lover  of  truth,  I  vnll  always  defend  them 
against  those  who  would  Avish  to  debase  them  before  me.  As  to  the  alterations 
which  I  proposed  to  make  in  your  Iphiginie,  you  could  have  attached  less  import- 
ance to  them.  A  more  detailed  discussion  with  you  would  easily  have  rectified 
my  error  and  the  impression  gained  from  a  superficial  and  hasty  reading.  Neverthe- 
less, my  proposal  was  not  without  foundation,  since  M.  Gluck  himself  demanded 
that  this  work  be  set  in  four  acts,  whereas  it  was  only  in  three  when  it  fell  into  my 
hands  for  half  an  hour;  and  assuredly  half  an  hour  is  not  enough  to  gain  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  so  wide  a  subject.  Perhaps  it  would  have  made  a  different  impression 

C.G.-K 


134  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

on  me  if  it  had  been  arranged  as  M.  Gluck  proposed;  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
same  fault  occurred  to  us  both. 

Accept  my  thanks,  Monsieur,  for  your  willingness  to  assign  to  me,  in  the 
dramatic  part,  a  place  immediately  below  M.  Gluck.  You  flatter  me  and  you  are 
not  sincere.  I  do  not  think  as  you  do;  I  am  too  small  to  attain  such  a  height.  I 
cannot  even  hope  to  produce  a  work  on  the  stage,  so  long  as  M.  Gluck  continues 
to  hold  it;  Sabinus  was  eclipsed  by  him;  Iphigenie  en  Tauride  he  took  away  from 
me;  Thesee,  fixed  for  next  winter,  will  be  postopned  for  two  years  by  him.  In 
two  years,  M.  Piccinni  or  M.  Gluck  will  relegate  me  to  the  third  year,  more 
especially  as  it  is  quite  natural  to  leave  to  them  the  honours  of  the  stage.  In  that 
time,  my  music  will  have  an  intolerable  Gothic  flavour  and  such  few  feeble  sparks 
of  goodness  as  it  may  possess  will  be  sacrificed  to  prejudice.  In  the  meantime  my 
hair  grows  white,  my  hopes  dwindle  and  my  courage  fails  me.  Everything  merely 
disgusts  me.  Consequently,  in  order  to  be  wise  and  prudent,  to  avoid  strife  and 
face  up  to  prejudice,  I  think  I  must  no  longer  work  for  the  lyrical  stage.  So, 
Monsieur,  I  will  not  take  advantage  of  the  kind  offers  you  have  been  good  enough 
to  make;  I  am  most  deeply  obliged  to  you  for  them  and,  if  it  were  possible  that  I 
might  decide  to  attempt  this  folly  once  again  and  to  take  up  this  heavy  plough  once 
more,  the  succour  of  your  talents,  which  you  have  so  kindly  offered,  would  lighten 
the  load.  Nothing  would  give  me  greater  pleasure  than  to  unite  my  talents  with 
yours. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  highest  regard.  Monsieur, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
Gossec. 
[Address :] 

ä  Monsieur, 

M.  Guillard,  rue  des  Petits-Champs  St.  Martin 

Maison  de  Mrs.  de  St.  Julien  des  Menestriers, 

ä  Paris. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  17th  July  1778] 

Vienna,  28th  June  1778 
Dearest  friend, 

You  are  most  kind  with  your  letters.  I  look  forward  to  the  courier 
only  on  account  of  you.  Just  continue  to  write  me  such  long  ones, 
for  they  cool  my  head,  which  at  present  is  in  a  complete  fever  with 
two  operas,  Iphigenie  and  Narcisse,  which  are  aheady  in  there.  This 
is  also  one  reason  why  I  write  to  you  so  laconically,  for  I  am  sure  you 
would  not  wish  to  hinder  me  in  my  work.  You  say  I  should  not  now 
come  to  Paris,  but  others  write  to  me  that  I  should  not  let  the  oppor- 
tunity pass  of  presenting  an  opera  before  the  Queen's  accouche- 
ment;^ whose  advice  shall  I  follow?  I  leave  it  to  Providence  and  hi 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  135 

die  meantime  will  go  on  working.  My  very  tender  compliments  to 
Mademoiselle  le  Vasseur.  I  never  write  to  her  because  I  wish  to  retain 
the  title  I  treasure  so  much  of  'foutu  imbecile',  which  she  has  so 
kindly  given  me.  My  wife  also  sends  her  a  thousand  tender  things. 
For  the  rest,  always  keep  a  little  affection  for  us ;  my  wife  and  I  send 
you,  H.  V.  Blumendorft  and  all  friends  a  thousand  compliments  and 
I  remain  for  all  time, 

Dearest  friend, 
Your  most  devoted  servant 
Gluck. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
chez  S.  Ex.  Monsieur  Le  Comte  de 
Mercy  Ambassadeur  J.  Roy.  Apot. 

ä 
Paris 

^  Marie  Antoinette,  after  eight  years  of  marriage,  was  expecting  her  first 
child,  Marie  Ther^se  Charlotte,  who  was  bom  on  19th  December  1778  and 
died,  as  Duchess  of  Angouleme,  in  1851. 


[To  Abbe  Arnaud.  French] 

Vienna,  15th  July  1778 
You  are  quite  right.  Monsieur,  I  will  not  be  able  to  fmish  my  two 
operas  in  Vienna.  I  must  get  nearer  to  the  poets,  for  we  do  not  under- 
stand each  other  well  from  a  distance.  I  reckon  to  leave  here  in  the 
monthof  September,  if  Monsieur  de  Vismes  can  obtain  the  Empress's 
permission  for  me  to  go  to  Paris.  Without  it  I  could  not  leave.  M.  le 
Bailly  [du  Roullet]  will  tell  you  the  reasons.  So  I  will  probably  have 
need  once  more  of  your  redoubtable  arm  to  strike  down  my  enemies 
this  next  winter;  without  you  I  have  not  the  courage  to  risk  another 
battle.  Meanwhile  muster  your  troops,  cajole  our  aUies,  particularly 
Madame  de  Vaines,^  to  whom  I  beg  you  to  present  my  respects  as 
also  to  all  her  [sic]  illustrious  society.  Has  she  stiU  that  beautiful 
Circassian  head  ?  I  often  see  her  in  my  mind's  eye,  when  I  am  working 
and  do  not  feel  sufficiently  inspired;  she  must  contribute  greatly  to 
the  success  of  my  operas. 

The  opera  at  Bologna  was  very  well  patronized.  The  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Parma^  and  the  Archduke  and  Archduchess  of  Milan^ 


136  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

went  to  see  it.  In  general  the  Italians  have  called  it  the  great  Opera  of 
Bologna.  One  of  my  friends  who  saw  it  presented  in  Vienna  wrote 
to  me  that  de  Amici,*  who  played  the  part  of  Alceste,  was  in  the 
nude,  that  the  actor  who  played  Admetos^  was  too  old  and  that  the 
ballets  were  all  topsy-turvy;  they  danced  right  into  the  chorus, 
'Pleure  o  patrie,  o  Thessahe!'  so  you  can  imagine  what  happened 
afterwards.  My  friend  quotes  an  ItaHan  proverb  to  compare  the 
o^eia.  Alceste  with  the  world:  'II  mondo  va  de  se,  e  non  casca,  perche 
non  ha  dove  cascare.'  I  will  add  that  the  other  day,  when  I  was  with 
the  Prince  von  Kaunitz,^  the  envoy  from  Naples  begged  me  to 
have  sent  to  him  all  the  operas  which  I  have  made  in  France ;  they  are 
being  asked  of  him  in  Naples,  where  people  wish  to  have  all  that  I 
have  done.  That  is  an  anecdote  which  will  not  greatly  please  Mon- 
sieur I'Ambassadeur,  God  bless  him.  My  wife  pays  you  a  thousand 
compliments  and  I  remain,  with  the  greatest  admiration  for  your 
genius. 

Monsieur, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 

G.  Gluck. 

^  Madame  de  Vaines  was  the  wife  of  the  Administrator  of  the  State 
Domains,  Jean  de  Vaines  (173 3-1 803). 

2  Ferdinand  von  Bourbon,  Duke  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  (1741-1802) 
married  Maria  Amalia,  Archduchess  of  Austria  (1746-1804)  in  1769. 
^Ferdinand  Karl  Anton,  Archduke  of  Austria  (1754-1806),  married 
Maria  Beatrix  d'Este,  Duchess  of  Massa  and  Carrara  (1750-1829)  in  1771. 
He  was  Governor-General  of  Lombardy  with  his  official  residence  at  Milan. 
*Anna  Lucia  de  Amicis-Buonsollacci  was  bom  in  Naples  about 
1733.  She  was  a  pupil  of  the  famous  Vittoria  Tesi-Trammontini.  In  1762 
she  sang  in.  the  London  Opera  House  under  Johann  Christian  Bach  and 
around  1766  in  Naples.  In  1772  she  was  in  Milan,  where  she  sang  in  Mozart's 
Lucio  Silla;  then  she  went  to  Venice.  On  9th  May  1778  she  sang  Gluck's 
Alceste  in.  Bologna  for  the  first  time.  She  died  in  Naples  ini8i6. 
^  The  programme  for  the  performance  o£  Alceste  on  9th  May  1778  (Library 
of  Congress,  ML.48.  A5.  v.  29)  gives  the  cast  as  follows : 


PERSONAGGI 

Admeto  Re  di  Fera  in  Tessaglia  . .  Signor  Giuseppe  Tibaldi 

Alceste  sua  Sposa    Signora  Anna  de  Amicis-Buonsolazzi 

Eumelo"1    1        „.  T 
.  y  loro  Figii 

ASPASIAJ  ^ 

EvANDO  Confidente  d' Admeto.  .Signor  Francesco  Cavalli,  Virtuoso  di 

Camera  di  S.A.R.  I'lnfante  Duca  di 

Parma 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gkck 


137 


.  Signor  Domenico  Poggi 


IsMENB  Confidentc  d'Alceste  ....  Signora  Giulia  Moroni 

Un  Banditore  'j 

Un  Nume  Infernale  I 

Gran  Sacerdote  d' Apollo    |  ' 

Apollo  J 

Oracolo. 

Coro  di  Cortigiani,  e  Cittadini. 

Coro  di  Damigelle  d'Alceste. 

Coro  di  Sacerdoti  d' Apollo. 

Coro  di  Numi  Infernali. 

La  Scena  si  rappresenta  in  Fera. 
La  Poesia  e  del  Sig.  Configliere  de'  Calsabigi. 
La  Musica  e  del  Sig.  Cavaliere  Gluk  fra  gli  Arcadi  Armonide  Terpsi- 

coreo. 


Signori 
Gio.  Battista  Longarini. 
Giuseppe  Costa. 
Andrea  Ristorini. 
Antonio  Frascaroli. 
Marco  Lucchi. 
Luigi  Dorotei. 
Carlo  Contucci. 
Anastasio  Massa. 
Giuseppe  Garetti. 


CORISTI 

Signor 
Pietro  Grazioli  Direttore. 
Signore 
Antonia  Zaccarini. 
Teresa  Ristorini. 
Lucia  Durante. 
Elisabetta  Dalfüocco. 
Anna  Lazzari. 
Maria  Fioresi. 
Domenica  Nannetti. 
Anna  Tartarini. 
Anna  Teresa  Greca. 
Isabella  Beni. 


Signori 
Domenico  Tibaldi. 
Girol.  Cortegiani. 
Paolo  Mandini. 
Gaetano  Rizzardi. 
Franc.  Romagnoli. 
Giacomo  Rossi. 
Petronio  Sola. 
Antonio  Berti. 
Tommaso  Chermanini, 


AI  Cembalo 

Signor  Maestro  Bernardino  Ottani 

Accad.  Filar. 


Capo  dell  'Orchestra 

Signor  Cristoforo  Babbi 

Accad.  Filar. 


LI  BALLI 

Sono  d'invenzione,  e  direzione  del  Signor  Giuseppe  Canziani,  ed  ese- 

guiti  dalli  seguenti. 

Primi  Ballerini  Serj. 

Signora  Catterina  Curz.  Signor  Giuseppe  Canziani  sudetto. 

Primi  Grotteschi. 
Signora  Gertrude  Paccini  Grisostomi.         Signor  Gregorio  Grisostomi. 

Primi  Ballerini  Serj  Fuori  de'  Concerti. 
Signora  Antonia  Torri.  Signor  Michele  Fabiani. 

Mezzi  Carattieri. 
Signora  Marianna  Feracaccia.  Signor  Giuseppe  Herdlitska. 

Signora  Anna  Agostini. 
Signor  Giuseppe  Bartolomei.  Signor  Eusebio  Luzzi. 

Altri  Ballerini. 
Signora  Teresa  Boggi.  Signor  Antonio  Papini. 

Signora  Gesualda  Cocchi.  Signor  Giacomo  Ostici. 

Signora  Maria  Vicinelli.  Signor  Giorgio  Ronzi. 


138  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

^  Presumably  Ernst  Christoph  Count  von  KAunitz,  eldest  son  of  the 
Chancellor,  Wenzel  Anton  Prince  von  Kaunitz-Rietberg.  He  was  bom  on 
6th  June  1737  and  was  Ambassador  to  the  Court  of  Naples  from  1765  to 
1770.  From  1773  onwards  he  was  General-Hof  baudirektor  (Director-General 
of  Court  Building)  in  Vienna,  where  he  died  on  19th  May  1797. 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  i6th  August  1778] 

Vienna,  29th  July  1778 
Dearest  friend ! 

To  me  your  reminders  are  commands,  so  I  am  sending  to  you  the 
two  letters  you  required,  which  I  beg  you  to  have  delivered.  Your 
charming  letters  always  give  us  much  pleasure,  especially  now  that 
Mr  Calin^  has  come  down  once  more  on  my  neck  and  is  lodging 
with  me.  He  sends  his  highest  regards.  He  is  now  even  more  argu- 
mentative than  before;  we  have  also  more  to  argue  about  with  the 
present  war,  in  which  so  far  our  forces  have  held  the  Prussians  in  all 
encounters.  The  Kaiser's  presence  produces  an  incomparable  effect. 
Incidentally,  I  will  take  your  advice  concerning  my  Paris  journey  and 
also  treat  my  work  phlegmatically.  I  have  undertaken  two  operas, 
because  I  did  not  want  to  displease  either  the  Bailly  [du  RouUet]  or 
the  Baron  Tschoudi,^  for  one  or  other  of  them  would  not  have  for- 
given me.  If,  however,  M.  de  Vismes  does  not  succeed  in  obtaining 
the  permission  of  the  Empress  [Maria  Theresia],  then  I  will  stay  at 
home  and  think,  like  Goldsmith's  boy.^  Send  us  plenty  of  news ; 
our  regards  to  you  and  all  our  good  friends.  I  remain  always  yours. 

^  Carlo  Calin,  like  Franz  Kruthoffer,  had  become  friendly  with  Gluck  in 
Paris.  He  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  correspondence  until  1781,  and  wrote 
the  letter  on  19th  June  1 781  on  Gluck's  behalf. 

2  Johann  Metz  Ludwig  Theodor  Baron  von  Tschudi  (bom  25th 
August  1735)  was  the  Paris  envoy  of  the  Archbishop  of  Liege.  He  wrote  the 
Ubretto  for  Gluck's  Echo  und  Narcisse,  and  died  in  Paris  on  7th  March  1784. 
^  The  reference  to  Oliver  Goldsmith's  novel,  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield 
(1766),  shows  that  Gluck  was  familiar  with  it,  presumably  in  one  of  the  many 
German  editions. 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Rephed  Paris,  19th  September  1778] 

Vienna,  29th  August  1778 
Dearest  friend, 

I  am  sorry  that  I  cannot  write  you  anything  interesting  on  our 


of  Ch ristoph  Williha Id  Gluck  139 

war.  There  are  frequent  skirmishes  and  we  have  the  upper  hand 
almost  all  the  time.  A  clear  proof  of  this  is  that  the  Kaiser  has  pro- 
moted a  number  of  officers  on  the  spot,  because  they  set  such  a  good 
example  to  their  subordinates.  It  is  true,  that  General  de  Vins^  was 
surprised  by  a  Corps  of  Prince  Heinrich^  and  lost  some  1,000  men, 
but  on  the  other  hand  Lieut.-Colonel  Nauendorf  ^  took  from  the 
King  243  waggons  with  victuals  and  thirteen  supply  waggons 
together  with  300  horses,  either  capturing  or  destroying  the  convoy. 
It  seems  we  do  not  want  to  strike,  for  his  army  has  so  much  sickness 
and  so  many  deserters  that  it  will  surely  break  up  of  itself.  The  King 
would  like  to  join  forces  with  his  brother,  but  Loudon*  stands 
between  them.  As  soon  as  there  is  anything  new,  I  will  report  it  to 
you.  Best  regards  to  you  and  H.  v.  Blumendorff  from  my  wife  and 
from  the  bawler  Calin.  You  should  hear  him  now;  he  is  bawhng  like 
a  man  possessed.  Farewell,  dearest  friend,  [turn  over] 

The  news  has  just  come  in  that  the  King  has  tried  to  force  the 
Pass  of  Hohenelbe,  where  General  Wallis^  commands  a  corps  of 
15,000  men,  to  join  forces  with  Prince  Heinrich.  He  ordered  General 
Anhalt®  to  attack  him  but  he  was  thrown  back,  and  the  King  must 
remain  sitting  in  the  mountains.  General  Wuntsch'  has  also  attacked 
General  Wurmser^  with  three  cavalry  regiments,  and  the  latter  has 
also  flung  him  back  with  two  regiments  of  Hussars  and  a  battaHon  of 
Croats.  The  details  will  follow.  Meanwhile,  it  is  already  agreed  that 
before  the  end  of  the  campaign  the  Prussian  army  will  have  to  leave 
Bohemia;  then  it  will  be  our  turn  to  plunder  in  foreign  lands.  Adieu. 
I  had  to  open  the  packet  in  order  to  send  you  this. 

^Joseph  Nikolaus  Freiherr  von  Vins  (1732-1798)  later  became  G.I.C. 
Ordnance. 

2  Prince  Heinrich  of  Prussia  (1726-1802)  was  a  brother  of  King 
Frederick  II  of  Prussia. 

3  Friedrich  August  Count  von  Nauendorf  (1749-1801)  later  became 
Lieutenant  Field  Marshal. 

*  Ernst  Gideon  Freiherr  von  Loudon  (1717-1790)  also  became  Lieu- 
tenant Field  Marshal.  When  his  body  was  displayed  in  the  Müller  Wachs- 
figurenkabinett in  October  1790,  W.  A.  Mozart  was  commissioned  by 
Count  Deym  to  write  his  famous  Adagio  and  Allegro  for  a  mechanical  organ 
(K.V.  594). 

^  Olivier  Count  von  Wallis  (1742-1799)  later  became  G.I.C.  Ordnance. 
®  Johann  Albrecht  Count  von  Anhalt  (173 5-1 802)  was  a  Prussian 
Major-General. 

''Johann  Jakob  von  Wunsch  (i7äj-i788)  was  a  Prussian  infantry 
General. 


140  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

8  Dagobert  Count  von  Wurmser  (1724-1797)  later  became  General 
Field  Marshal. 


[From  Franz  Kruthoffer  to  Gluck.  French] 
M.  TAmbassadeur  [Mercy-Argenteau]  has  entrusted  me,  Mr,  with  the  honour 
of  communicating  with  you  on  his  behalf,  to  the  effect  that,  having  been  informed 
of  the  proposals  which  M.  de  Vimes  made  to  you  concerning  your  new  opera 
Iphigenie  en  Tauride  and  of  the  reply  which  you  have  just  sent  him  on  this  subject, 
he  beheves  that  at  this  very  moment,  when,  more  than  ever  before,  not  only  all 
the  connoisseurs  but  a  very  large  part  of  the  public  are  paying  just  tribute  to  your 
talents  and  await  this  new  work  with  impatience,  you  owe  it  to  your  reputation 
not  to  reject  M.  de  Vimes's  offers.  His  Excellency  also  authorizes  me  to  point 
out  that  he  hoped  to  obtain  for  you,  if  not  the  complete  sum  for  which  you  asked, 
at  least  that  of  twelve  thousand  francs,  and  he  believes  that  you  can  easily  make 
good  this  small  difference,  as  this  sixth  work  must  bring  your  pension  to  a  thousand 
crowns. 

As  for  the  permission  of  H.M.  the  Emp.  [Marie  Antoinette],  which  you  seem 
to  need  for  your  journey.  His  Excy'.  thinks  that  at  this  time  of  calamities  and  war 
it  would  not  be  becoming  for  the  Queen  to  make  a  request  to  her  august  mother 
[Marie  Theresia],  the  sole  aim  of  which  would  be  to  add  to  her  pleasure  in  this 
country,  that  this  consideration  would  render  any  approach  on  this  subject  im- 
possible, and  that  even  Mr.  de  Vimes  was  not  in  a  position  to  sohcit  such  a  favour 
from  the  Queen. 

Moreover,  His  Excy'.  believes  that  such  permission  would  be  superfluous,  since 
one  could  regard  as  a  general  permission  the  assurance  which  His  M^  the  Emperor 
gave  last  year  to  his  august  sister,  to  allow  you  to  come  to  France  as  often  as  new 
works  would  enable  you  to  contribute  to  his  entertainment. 

These,  M.,  are  the  thoughts  which  H.  Excy'.  has  ordered  me  to  communicate 
to  you.  I  do  so  with  all  the  more  pleasure  as  I  can  take  this  opportunity  of  renew- 
ing my  assurances  of  complete  and  sincere  devotion  to  you.  I  am  also  to  add  many 
compliments  on  his  behalf 

[Kruthoffer] 
A.  M.  le  Ch--. 
Gluck  de 
Paris  le  4.7'^'"*= 
1778 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 

Vienna,  26th  September  1778 
It  was  the  day  before  yesterday,  the  24th,  Monsieur,  that  I  re- 
ceived your  letter  of  the  4th  of  this  month,  and  I  would  not  have  it 
yet,  if  I  had  not  sent  my  servant  to  ascertain  if  the  Paris  courier  had 
arrived.  This  mishap  compels  me  to  beg  you,  Monsieur,  to  pay  my 
very  humble  respects  to  His  Exc.  the  Ambassador  and  tell  him  on  my 
behalf  that  it  is  impossible  for  mc  to  undertake  any  journey  at  this 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  141 

moment.  I  would  require  four  weeks  to  get  my  travelling  coach  in 
order  and  arrange  all  my  domestic  affairs;  there  has  been  too  much 
delay  in  letting  me  know;  neither  my  wife  nor  I  could  endure  the 
discomforts  of  such  a  long  journey  towards  the  end  of  October.  I 
hope  I  will  be  able  to  return  to  Paris  next  spring,  provided  that 
Mr  de  Vismes  does  not  wish  to  haggle  with  me,  for  he  treats  mc 
like  a  man  who  lives  on  the  streets  of  Paris.  He  cannot  imagine  how 
much  one  suffers  on  a  journey  of  700  miles.  At  my  age  I  am  too 
fond  of  my  comfort;  if  it  were  not  for  my  desire  to  see  my  friends 
again,  I  would  not  leave,  [even]  supposing  I  could  earn  the  sum  he 
offers  me  merely  by  making  the  journey.  For  the  rest,  I  am  extremely 
grateful  for  the  kindness  His  Exc.  the  Ambassador  has  shown  me  on 
this  occasion  and  for  the  interest  he  takes  in  all  that  concerns  me,  and 
I  beg  you  to  assure  him  of  this  on  my  behalf.  Accept,  Monsieur,  the 
feelings  of  esteem  and  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  servant, 
the  Chevalier  Gluck, 
[turn  over] 

We  have  completed,  thank  God,  one  of  the  most  glorious  defensive 
campaigns  without  giving  battle.  The  Prussians  have  lost  at  least 
thirty  thousand  men,  their  cavalry  and  guns  ruined.  Loudon  is  now 
in  pursuit  of  Prince  Henry,  who  is  giving  way  before  him,  so  that 
you  will  soon  have  the  news  that  we  are  before  Dresden. 

from  Vienna. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 

Secretaire  de  Son  Ex"  M.L.  Ambasseur 

Imp.  et  Royal.  Apostl. 
a 
Paris  au  petit  Luxembourg. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer' s  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  19th  October  1778] 

Vienna,  30th  September  1778 
Dearest  friend 

I  read  your  letter  with  much  pleasure,  but  the  Mercure^  vexed  me. 
I  am  now  resolved  not  to  come  to  Paris  till  Mr  de  Vismes  has 
obtained  an  assurance  from  the  Minister  that  justice  will  not  be 


142  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

allowed  to  lay  hands  on  me  when  I  come  to  trim  Marmontel's  ears. 
Because  the  Journal  de  Paris  has  not  been  able  to  make  him  more 
modest,  he  needs  a  more  violent  medium  and  this  will  be  the  worst. 
We  have  excellent  news.  There  is  not  a  single  Prussian  left  in 
Bohemia;  immediately  after  the  retreat  of  the  King,  Loudon  kept 
close  on  Prince  Heinrich' s  heels.  He  did  not  stand  his  ground  but 
retired  to  Saxony  in  two  columns;  Loudon's  advance-guard  has  also 
pushed  forward.  It  is  said,  however,  that  in  his  withdrawal  he  left 
1,900  prisoners,  3 ,000  deserters  and  twenty-three  cannons.  As  you  see, 
dearest  friend,  one  can  be  satisfied  with  this  campaign.  It  is  with 
them  as  with  my  operas,  first  they  are  abused,  then  people  find  they 
are  not  so  bad  after  all.  Adieu,  many  compliments  from  me  and 
mine  to  you,  H.  v.  Plumendorff  [sic],  and  all  acquaintances.  Mr 
Calin  sends  his  respects.  There  is  nothing  to  be  done  with  him  now; 
he  quarrels  and  shouts  hke  an  incendiary. 

^  Gluck's  remark  refers  to  the  'Lettre  de  M.  Marmontel  ä  M.  de  la  Harpe', 
which  was  printed  oni5th  September  1778  in  the  Mercure  de  France: 

It  came  to  me  as  no  surprise,  sir,  that  Prince  Beloselski's  essay  on  Italian 
music  was  not  to  everyone's  taste.  You  see  how  the  most  poHte  and  most 
moderate  of  M.  Gluck's  supporters  mutilates  this  little  work  and  with  what 
skill  he  reduces  it  to  nothing.  Let  us  pass  over  the  page  where  he  has  cut  so 
skilfully  and  glance  at  a  few  of  his  critical  passages. 

'There  is  more  than  one  point  of  resemblance  between  Vinci  and 
Corneille',  the  Prince  has  said.  'Each  was  a  creator  in  genre.  The  musician 
made  the  first  comic  opera,  which  is  Le  Joueur,^  as  the  poet  composed  the 
first  good  comedy.  Both  have  attained  approximately  the  same  heights  in 
tragic  ideas,  the  same  warmth,  the  same  fluency  of  style:  the  two  operas 
Artaxerce  and  Didon^  are  sublime  examples  of  this,  as  are  Le  Cid  and  Cinna? 

Here  is  how  this  passage  is  reproduced:  'M.  le  Prince  Beloselski  says 
that  Vinci  is  a  creator  like  Corneille,  because  he  made  the  first  comic  opera. 
It  is  hard  to  feel  the  justice  of  this  comparison.' 

Whose  fault  is  it  if  it  is  not  felt?  This  method  of  criticism  is  very  easy; 
furthermore,  it  is  very  common,  but  the  Censor  finds  his  task  more  arduous 
when  he  quotes  accurately. 

The  Prince  said  of  Pergolesi  that  he  was  'the  most  eloquent  of  composers', 
and  he  adds :  'There  is  nothing  more  simple  than  his  melody,  his  methods,  his 
motifs ;  nothing  more  harmonious  than  his  accompaniments.' 

The  critic  asks  in  which  of  his  works  Pergolesi  was  eloquent?  'The  first 
couplet  of  the  Stabat',  he  says,  'is  one  of  the  most  moving  and  most  sublime 
pieces  of  music,  but  pathos  is  not  eloquence;  and  there  is  nothing  so  sure  as 
eloquence  in  music' 

Üi  the  first  place,  is  the  first  couplet  all  that  is  moving  and  sublime  in 
the  Stabat'  Is  not,  for  example,  the  line  'Vidit  suum  dulcem  natum'?  Does 
it  not  bring  tears  to  one's  eyes?  Are  there  not  also  heartrending  passages 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  143 

in  the  OUmpiade  of  Pergolcsi,*  such  as  the  aria  'Se  oerca,  se  dice'  ?  One  would 
Uke  to  know  where  eloquence  is  to  be  found  if  not  in  pathos  ? 

I  suppose  that  the  Prince  would  have  said :  'Pergolesi,  of  all  the  composers, 
is  the  one  who  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  the  art  of  communicating 
quickly  and  impressing  forcibly  upon  the  souls  of  others  the  profound  feeling 
which  fills  him'.  Would  that  not  have  been  a  truth  which  the  whole  of 
Europe  has  recognized,  at  least  in  the  Stahati  Now,  this  definition  of  pathos  in 
musical  expression  is  precisely  the  one  M.  d' Alembert  has  given  of  eloquence ; 
I  have  not  changed  a  single  word  of  it. 

But  Prince  Beloselksi  awarded  the  palm  for  eloquence  to  Pergolesi;  and 
it  is  reserved  for  M.  Gluck.  He  bestowed  upon  Vinci  the  title  of  'creator'  in 
dramatic  music  and  compared  him  with  Corneille;  both  this  comparison  and 
this  title  belong  only  to  M.  Gluck.  The  critic  makes  no  secret  of  it ;  he  makes  a 
formal  decision. 

'M.  Gluck',  he  says,  'will  have  the  glory  of  having  achieved  in  music 
what  Corneille  achieved  in  poetry:  he  conceived,  he  created  the  true  lyrical 
tragedy.  .  .  .  His  place  is  now  assured  amongst  the  small  number  of  creative 
geniuses  in  the  arts.' 

And  who  assured  him  this  high  position?  Who  dispensed  this  glory?  Two 
or  three  anonymous  writers  who  repeat  one  another's  words  and  echo  one 
another's  replies  in  the  newspapers,  in  the  gazettes,  in  the  broadsheets? 
These  are  the  voices  of  fame. 

The  poems  of  Alceste,  Iphigenie  and  Orphee  are  doubtless  tragic  and 
have  a  more  pressing  appeal  than  those  of  Hippolyte,  Dardanus  and  Castor,^ 
but  is  this  a  new  genres  M.  Gluck's  music,  whether  by  its  declamatory 
vehemence  or  by  its  forceful  harmony  or  by  several  pieces  of  ItaHan  song, 
is  preferable  to  that  of  Rameau,  although  one  finds  in  it  a  rougher  and 
coarser  strain;  but  can  this  reinforced  French  music  be  called  creative?  And 
between  Dardanus's  monologue  in  prison,  his  scene  with  Iphise,  those  of 
Teucer  in  the  second  and  fifth  acts,  Theseus's  prayer  to  Pluto,  in  the  opera 
Hippolyte,  Telaire's  monologue,  the  funeral  chorus,  that  of  the  demons,  the 
tableau  of  the  Elysian  Fields,  the  beautiful  scenes  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  acts 
of  the  opera  Castor;  between  these  passages,  I  say,  and  the  most  loudly- 
praised  passages  in  M.  Gluck's  Orphee,  Iphigenie  and  Alceste  is  there  the  same 
gap  as  between  the  tragedies  Hardi  and  Le  Cid,  Horace^  and  Cinna  ?  Is  there 
even  a  sufficient  distance  between  them  for  Rameau  to  be  considered  as  of  no 
account  in  theatrical  music  and  for  Gluck  to  be  regarded  as  its  inventor?  This 
concerns  the  French  and  they  are  the  judges  in  their  own  country. 

But  let  us  ask  the  Itahans,  the  Spaniards,  the  English  or  the  Germans 
themselves  if  in  Metastasio's  operas  all  the  tragic  pieces  have  not  been 
rendered  twenty  times  by  composers,  who  are  M.  Gluck's  masters,  with  more 
fidelity  and  emotion  than  he?  There  is  not  one  of  these  nations  which  does 
not  affirm  having  heard  a  hundred  moving  pieces  which  will  always  be 
beyond  his  reach. 

To  the  ignorant  everything  is  new,  and  we  are  ignorant  in  music.  What 
seems  to  us  an  artistic  prodigy  may,  therefore,  be  a  mere  common  thing. 
Let  us  remember  the  travelling  rat  whom  we  resemble  quite  closely: 
Sitot  qu'il  fut  hors  de  sa  case, 
Que  le  monde,  dit-il,  est  grand  et  spacieux ! 


144  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Voila  les  Apennines  et  voi^i  le  Caucase. 
La  moindre  taupinee  etait  mont  ä  ses  yeux. 

(No  sooner  was  he  out  of  his  cage 
Than  'The  world,'  said  he,  'is  large  and  spacious !' 
There  are  the  Apennines,  here  the  Caucasus. 
The  smallest  molehill  was  a  mountain  in  his  eyes.) 

It  is  for  the  scholars,  it  is  for  the  artists,  it  is  for  the  public  in  an  enlightened 
country  to  say:  'Such  and  such  is  a  creator.'  The  geometricians  said  it  of 
Newton,'  the  men  of  letters  said  it  of  Corneille,  and  the  nation  repeated  it. 
But  who  has  said  it  of  M.  Gluck?  Two  or  three  men,  highly  skilled  no  doubt 
in  everything  else,  but  still  novices  in  music  and  who,  like  myself,  have  only 
heard  it  in  the  French  theatres  and  the  concert-halls  of  Paris. 

That  is  why  it  is  desirable  that  each  one  should  make  himself  knov^oi  by 
name  in  discussions  on  art,  so  that  the  name  may  determine  the  weight  of  the 
personal  opinion.  Anyone  who,  like  myself,  merely  had  instinct,  would  be 
permitted  a  personal  feeling,  but  for  himself  and  for  himself  alone.  Anyone 
who,  by  habit  and  by  comparison,  had  a  rather  more  practised  ear  and  more 
informed  taste  would  be  permitted  to  express  his  opinion  with  a  little  more 
assurance  but  always  modestly.  Anyone  who  had  made  some  progress  in  the 
art  and  who  had  received  some  months  of  instruction,  for  example  in  music, 
would  have  his  studies  taken  into  account;  and  if  he  performed,  reasonably 
well,  a  bass  accompaniment,  then  he  would  be  given  the  right  to  speak  by 
virtue  of  his  savoir-faire.  Anyone  who  beheved  he  had  been  endowed  by 
nature  with  the  gift  of  judging  everything  without  having  learned  anything 
would  be  allowed  to  congratulate  himself  on  possessing  this  rare  gift  from 
heaven;  but  if,  in  his  enthusaism,  he  denied  soul  and  intelligence  to  anyone 
who  had  the  misfortune  not  to  admire  what  he  admires  or  to  luce  what  he 
does  not  like;  if  with  one  hand  he  sought  to  knock  down  the  statues  of  the 
most  famous  artists  and  with  the  other  to  erect  a  great  monument  to  the 
glory  of  someone  whom  he  had  chosen  to  idolize;  his  name  would  reveal  if 
this  fanaticism  was  sincere  or  feigned.  Finally,  anyone  versed  in  the  art  and  in 
the  study  of  its  models,  who  had  taken  instruction  in  the  theatre  and,  for 
his  edification,  had  listened  to  the  popular  voice  in  various  countries,  would 
be  regarded  with  greater  confidence  but  would  never  be  given  the  right  to 
make  pronouncements  in  the  absolute  and  trenchant  tone  of  our  self-styled 
connoisseurs.  Thus  each  one  would  be  put  in  his  place  and  I  would  know  at 
this  moment  what  is  the  degree  of  authority  of  the  critic  to  whom  I  am 
replying.  To  be  sure,  I  invite  no  one  to  imitate  Guillot  the  Sycophant,^ 
but  why  not  write  one's  proper  name  when  one  is  not  the  wolf  in  sheep's 
clothing? 

Prince  Beloselski  fmds  Piccinni  admirable,  particularly  in  conveying  the 
sense  of  the  words ;  and  until  now  the  whole  of  Europe  has  been  of  this  view. 

The  anonymous  Frenchman  stands  apart  and  would  have  us  believe  that 
the  whole  of  Europe  understands  nothing  of  tliis. 

'One  can  judge',  he  says  'from  Roland  whether  M.  Piccinni  has  sought  with 
so  much  care  the  merits  attributed  to  him.  I  am  not  speaking  of  his  recitative.' 
(How  excessively  indulgent !)  'I  am  not  speaking  of  the  too  pastoral  character 
of  several  arias  which  were  open  to  the  most  heroic  expression.'  (He  should 


of  Christoph  Willihald  Gluck  145 

certainly  have  quoted  them !)  'If  one  recalls',  he  adds,  'the  aria  of  Medor, 
"Je  la  verrai:  c'est  assez  pour  ma  flamme",  one  perceives  that  in  this  line, 
which  the  poet  punctuates  as  follows:  "Esclave,  heureux  de  servir  tant 
d'appas,"  the  composer,  in  order  to  retain  the  symmetry  of  the  musical 
phrase,  was  obliged  to  introduce  a  pause  after  the  word  "heureux"  and  to 
punctuate  as  follows:  "Esclave  heureux;  de  servir  tant  d'appas."  Which  no 
longer  makes  sense.' 

The  composer  committed  no  fault:  he  wrote  as  an  intelligent  man  with 
an  abundance  of  taste.  It  is  the  critic  who  is  mistaken  and  he  will  be  the  judge 
of  it  himself.  The  composer  did  not  detach  these  words  'de  servir  tant 
d'appas'.  He  wrote  'Heureux  de  servir  tant  d'appas'  as  a  continuous  sequence 
and  vnthout  any  pause.  The  two  words  which  he  permitted  himself  to  detach 
on  one  occasion,  because  they  form  a  complete  idea,  are  'esclave  heureux', 
and  I  would  have  been  capable  of  detaching  them  myself,  by  giving  the  line 
as  follows : 

Esclave  heureux,  heureux  de  servir  tant  d'appas. 

Now,  this  is  not  a  fault;  it  is,  in  music,  a  graceful  turn  of  style  and  it  adds 
a  new  measure  of  force  to  the  expression.  There,  then,  is  an  obviously  false 
criticism;  and  yet  M.  Gluck's  supporters  have  not  ceased  to  repeat  it, 
ever  since  this  aria  of  Roland's  was  heard  on  the  piano  and  more  than  three 
months  before  it  was  sung  on  the  stage. 

'In  Angelique's  aria',  adds  the  anonymous  critic: 

'Oui,  je  le  dois :  je  suis  Reine. 

Du  doux  penchant  qui  m'entraine, 

Oui,  je  dois  me  garantir. 

'One  can  also  see  how  the  second  line, 

'Du  doux  penchant  qui  m'entraine, 

closes,  like  the  first,  with  a  fmal  pause  which  separates  it  from  the  next 
line  and  makes  the  words  incomprehensible.' 

The  reply  is  simple:  there  is  no  'final  pause'  after  the  second  line;  one 
has  only  to  have  an  ear  to  realize  that  the  accent  of  the  voice  is  suspended 
at  the  comma;  and  M.  Piccinni,  who  knows  what  a  'final  pause'  means  in 
music,  assures  us  that  there  is  none. 

'Everyone  has  observed'  (so  the  critic  continues)  'that  in  Roland's 
monologue  "Ah  Ij'attendrai  longtemps",  the  musician  has  depicted  the  calm 
of  the  night  and  the  serenity  of  hope,  while  the  poet  wished  to  express  the 
impatience  of  a  frantic  lover  and  the  absence  of  the  night.' 

Everyone,  I  will  say  for  my  part,  has  found  this  monologue  ravishing  and 
most  faithful  in  character,  most  sensitive  and  utterly  in  keeping  with  the 
situation:  witness  the  renewed  applause  which  interrupts  it  each  time  it  is 
sung.  But  let  us  have  done  with  these  formal  assertions  and  arguments  and 
look  at  the  monologue  itself. 

The  musician  wished  to  depict  not  'the  calm  of  the  night'  but  the  calm  of 
hope;  not  'the  impatience  of  a  frantic  lover',  for  Roland  is  not  that  yet,  but 
the  impatience  of  a  lover  who  is  already  happy  in  the  presentiment  of  the 
happiness  which  has  been  promised  him. 


146  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Let  us  now  see  if  'the  poet's  intention'  was  to  make  this  monologue 
sweet  and  tender  or  to  express,  as  the  critic  maintains,  'the  impatience  of  a 
frantic  lover'. 

The  nature  of  the  poetry  determines  that  of  the  music;  and  I  ask  what  is 
the  nature  of  Qurnault's  monologue?  The  reply  will  perhaps  be  that  this 
depends  on  how  it  is  declaimed;  and  it  will  be  argued  that  Roland,  as  a  frantic 
lover,  must  say: 

O  nuit !  favorisez  mes  desirs  amoureux. 

Pressez  I'astre  du  jour  de  descendre  dans  i'onde. 

Je  ne  troublerai  plus,  par  mes  cris  douloureux, 

Votre  tranquillite  profonde. 

Le  charmant  objet  de  mes  voeux 

N'attende  que  vous  pour  rendre  heureux 

Le  plus  fidele  amant  du  monde. 

I  confess  that  if  Quinault  himself  had  told  me  that  in  such  tender  lines  he 
wished  to  depict  'the  impatience  of  a  frantic  lover',  I  would  not  have 
believed  him.  But  he  said  quite  the  opposite.  And  to  whom  did  he  say  it?  To 
LuUy,  the  confidant  of  his  thoughts,  who  worked  with  him,  under  his  very 
eyes.  Open,  sir,  the  score  of  the  old  Roland;  at  the  beginning  of  the 
monologue,  which  is  full  of  tenderness  and  voluptuousness,  you  will  fmd  a 
prelude  which  also  expresses  'the  serenity  of  hope',  and  at  the  beginning  of  the 
prelude  LuUy  wrote  one  word,  'Tender',  lest  there  should  be  any  mistake. 
Now,  let  Messrs  So-and-So  shout  all  over  Paris  that  this  monologue  is  a 
complete  contradiction  from  beginning  to  end  and  that  it  clearly  proves 
that  M.  Piccinni  is  devoid  of  taste,  talent  and  intelligence.  One  examines 
closely  the  style  of  a  musician  who  wrote  a  French  opera  before  learning 
French;  one  purports  to  discover  three  mistakes,  and  it  turns  out  that  the 
three  mistakes  are  misapprehensions  on  the  part  of  the  critic.  It  is  surely 
a  somewhat  uncommon  way  of  praising  an  artist  to  show  so  clearly 
that  one  is  powerless  to  comprehend  him :  a  flatterer  could  not  have  done 
better. 

'How  comes  it',  the  critic  continues,  speaking  ironically  of  the  ItaHan 
operas,  'that  so  many  masterpieces  make  such  superficial  and  fleeting  im- 
pressions on  the  Italians  themselves,  that,  after  a  small  number  of  perform- 
ances of  the  fmest  opera,  this  people,  which  is  sensible  to  the  charms  of 
music,  merely  feels  sated  and  bored?'  And,  assuming  this  to  be  a  fact,  he 
gives  the  following  explanation.  'In  all  the  arts,  anytliing  designed  merely 
to  produce  an  agreeable  effect  on  the  senses  and  to  arouse  in  the  soul  only 
vague  and  superficial  emotions,  cannot  fail  to  produce  equally  vague  and 
superficial  impressions,  the  effect  of  which  comes  very  near  to  boredom.' 
Whereas  'works  which  make  a  lasting  and  ever-growing  impression  are 
those  which  captivate  the  mind  by  fme  combinations,  which  elevate  and 
expand  one's  ideas,  which,  by  faithfully  reproducing  all  the  movements  of 
the  passions,  excite  in  the  soul  touching  and  profound  emotions,  etc'  (like 
the  music  of  M.  Gluck). 

That  is  certainly  a  fme,  scholarly  thesis;  and  were  it  properly  applied,  it 
would  lead  nowhere. 

The  fact  that  in  Italy  operas  are  changed  every  year  and  that  in  France 


oj  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  147 

operas  which  have  succeeded  are  revived  on  the  stage  is  due,  one  must  rcaUzc 
clearly,  to  local  differences.  In  Italy  there  is  the  luxury  of  abundance  and 
in  Paris  the  economy  of  poverty.  Operas  are  changed  like  jewels,  when  riches 
provide  the  means;  theatrical  spectacles  become  worn  just  as  clothes  become 
worn,  when  one  has  no  others  to  choose  from. 

Italy  has  crowds  of  composers :  new  ones  are  constantly  being  trained  in 
her  schools;  either  one  must  discourage  them  or  hear  them  in  succession; 
and  ifoneallowed  those  who  emerge  to  languish,  the  source  both  of  talent  and 
of  pleasure  would  soon  dry  up.  Curiosity  combines  with  this  political  reason, 
and  a  music  which  is  ever  new,  together  with  words  already  known  and 
modified  in  a  thousand  ways  by  the  genius  of  the  composers,  must  have  a 
powerful  appeal  to  sensitive  ears.  This  assault  of  the  talents  in  one  and  the 
same  arena  constantly  stimulates  and  arouses  the  spirit  of  rivalry  in  the  athletes 
and  the  interest  of  the  spectators.  That  is  not  all. 

Dehcate  ears  demand  that  music  should  have  a  perfect  analogy  with  the 
voice  which  executes  it:  as  soon  as  it  is  transposed,  it  is  altered.  The  musicians, 
in  composing,  adapt  the  song  to  the  organ  for  which  the  song  is  destined: 
they  take  account  of  its  qualities,  measure  its  range,  select  its  fmest  sounds : 
all  voices  of  the  same  kind  do  not  possess  the  same  degree  of  flexibility  or  of 
sensitivity;  not  all  have  the  same  tones,  or  some  are  not  so  full,  so  pure  and 
so  facile.  Now,  as  a  result  of  the  rivalry  amongst  twenty  theatres  competing 
for  the  finest  voices,  the  same  voices  are  never  heard  in  one  place  two 
years  in  succession.  That  is  why,  in  changing  instruments,  one  likes  a  change 
of  music,  and  the  change  is  inexpensive:  a  fresh  cause  of  inconstancy .  That 
is  not  yet  all. 

Every  town  in  Italy  has  its  theatre,  but,  apart  from  Naples  and  Venice, 
where  they  are  open  all  the  year  round,  there  is  opera  for  only  three  months ; 
and  it  is  the  only  public  amusement.  It  runs  six  days  a  week;  the  whole  town 
attends  it  every  day;  and  when  the  season  is  over,  the  beautiful  pieces  which 
have  been  culled  from  it  are  sung  at  all  the  concerts ;  everyone  knows  them 
by  heart.  Would  it  be  surprising  if  they  became  satiated? 

Yet  it  is  not  true  that  music-lovers  become  satiated.  Despite  all  the 
variations  of  taste  in  music,  they  still  take  a  delight  in  the  beautiful  pieces 
from  the  operas  of  Leo,^  Vinci,  Pergolesi,  Sassoni,^"  Galuppi  and  Jomelh :  they 
are  collected  in  pastiches,  adapted  for  the  piano,  and  people  never  grow  tired 
ofthem. 

The  custom  in  Italy  of  changing  opera  every  year  does  not,  therefore, 
depend  on  the  nature  of  the  music;  and  if  the  critic  is  not  satisfied  with  the 
reasons  I  have  given,  he  only  has  to  propose  a  test  to  M.  Gluck,  which,  if 
successful,  will  make  every  musician  in  Italy  sit  at  this  composer's  feet. 

It  is  to  arrange  for  Naples,  Venice,  Rome  or,  if  you  wish,  London,  Vienna 
or  Madrid  to  see  M.  Gluck's  operas  two  or  three  years  in  succession,  'those 
works,  which  produce  a  lasting  and  ever-growing  effect  and  which  one 
cannot  tire  of  seeing' ;  and  if,  by  the  beginning  of  the  second  year,  people 
are  not  overwhelmed  by  boredom,  then  the  issue  will  have  been 
settled. 

But,  the  reply  will  be,  the  whole  of  Europe  is  a  poor  judge  of  music, 
and  it  is  to  Paris  that  one  must  look  for  the  lasting  effects  of  M.  Gluck's 
music,  which  has  been  filling  the  theatre  there  for  seven  years. 


148  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Eh,  Sir !  we  also  saw  the  'lasting'  effects  o£  music  by  LuUy,  by  Campra,^^ 
by  Destouche/2  by  Mondonville,  and  above  all  by  Rameau.  Forty  years  ago 
people  did  not  tire  of  seeing  again  such  works  as  Les  Talens  Lyriques,  Les 
Indes  Galantes^,  Pygmalion^^  and  Castor.  The  last  two  operas  in  particular 
were  constantly  performed.  There  is  no  one  of  my  age  who  has  not  heard 
them  a  hundred  times  and  one  never  grew  tired  of  them. 

M.  Gluck's  admirers,  who  were  then  the  admirers  of  Mondonville  and 
Rameau  and  who  wrote  reams  in  praise  of  their  excellent  music,  could  well 
have  said  in  favour  of  Rameau  and  Mondonville  precisely  what  they  now  say 
in  favour  of  Gluck:  'The  Italians  change  their  music  every  year;  the  French 
like  to  see  again  an  opera  which  they  have  applauded;  so  Italian  music  is  a 
superficial  production  of  talent,  and  French  music  alone  bears  the  stamp  of 
genius.'  Can  it  be  that  the  champions  of  Mondonville  have  become  infallible 
since  they  declared  their  enthusiastic  support  for  M.  Gluck?  But,  in  order  to 
put  them  more  at  their  ease,  let  us  forget  the  past  and  rest  our  case  on  the 
present. 

The  music  of  the  Colonie,^^  of  La  Bonne  Fille,^^  of  L' Ami  de  la  Maison^"^  of 
Zeniire  et  Azor,  of  Sylvain  bear  no  resemblance  to  the  'dramatic'  music 
of  M.  Gluck :  it  is  purely  Italian  music  adapted  to  French  words ;  for  ten  years 
this  music  has  been  filling  and  enriching  one  of  the  theatres  in  Paris:  people 
are  not  yet  tired  of  it.  How  can  one  explain  this  phenomenon?  It  is  in  a 
different  style,  one  might  say;  but  if  this  style  of  music  'only  awakens  vague 
and  superficial  emotions  in  the  soul,  it  can  only  produce  equally  vague  and 
superficial  impressions'.  Let  the  critic  try  to  extricate  himself  from  this 
labyrinth. 

Until  such  time  as  he  has  adjusted  his  system  to  meet  these  facts,  I  will  tell 
him  the  plain  truth :  it  is  that  in  France,  like  everywhere  else,  people  enjoy 
what  they  have.  As  there  is  no  school  for  composers,  good  composers  are 
rare.  Good  poets  are  less  so,  but  they  scorn  a  difficult  and  unproductive  medium, 
which  was  a  source  of  torment  to  Metastasio  and  in  which  Quinault  himself, 
the  inimitable  Quinault,  was,  throughout  his  life,  the  slave  rather  than  the 
companion  of  LuUy.  That  is  why,  deprived  of  new  productions  which  we 
would  like  as  much  as  any  people  in  the  world,  we  resign  ourselves  to  our 
indigence  and,  sadly  loyal,  we  endeavour  to  remain  appreciative  of  our  old 
pleasures.  Happily,  our  ears  are  not  so  critical  as  those  of  the  Italians  con- 
cerning the  analogy  of  music  with  the  voice  which  executes  it;  and  up  to  the 
present  the  French  song  has  not  presented  those  difficulties  and  those  delicate 
nuances,  which  call  for  a  certain  vocal  range  or  quality.  Happily  again,  en- 
joyment of  the  theatre  is  not  so  subject  to  strain  in  Paris  as  in  the  towns  of 
Italy:  there  are  constant  distractions,  a  great  variety  of  theatres  and  an 
enormous  number  of  spectators,  with  the  result  that  no  one  sees  a  new  opera 
in  successive  performances  or  often  enough  to  grow  tired  of  it.  It  is  seldom 
produced  more  than  twice  a  week;  what  one  calls  the  public  is  constantly 
changing;  and  when  one  returns  to  it,  the  memory  of  it  has  almost  faded.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  one  sees  it  too  often,  one  grows  tired  of  it  as  everywhere 
else.  Thus  Orphee,  one  of  those  works  which  one  should  never  tire  of  see- 
ing, is  nevertheless  reduced  to  returns  of  from  four  or  five  hundred  livres; 
and  it  is  none  the  less  highly  esteemed  for  that. 

Should  the  time  come  when  our  taste  has  so  developed  as  to  be  more 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  149 

discriminating  with  regard  to  music,  as  it  is  with  regard  to  jewellery,  when 
the  genius  of  the  poets  and  musicians  is  as  fertile  as  the  industry  of  manufac- 
turers, then  we  shall  have  new  operas  like  new  materials  every  year;  and 
those  of  M.  Gluck,  like  those  of  Lully,  Campra,  Rameau,  Mondonville,  etc., 
will  be  forgotten  in  their  turn. 

Let  us  imagine  the  contrary  and  suppose  that  the  wellspring  of  good 
music  were  to  dry  up  in  Italy  one  day.  Will  the  entrepreneurs  not  draw  quite 
naturally  upon  their  stocks  and  revive  the  old  operas  one  after  the  other  or 
incorporate  them  in  pastiches?  So  the  inconstancy  of  the  Italians  and  the 
constancy  of  the  French  do  not  derive  from  their  two  kinds  of  music.  And 
can  one  say  in  good  faith,  can  one  hope  to  persuade  anyone  that  the  French 
love  M.  Gluck's  music  so  much  that  they  prefer  it  to  new  works  which  they 
do  not  have  ?  Would  this  not  mean  that  people  still  crowd  to  hear  it  and  wish 
for  nothing  new  which  is  not  by  the  same  author?  This  is  what  emerges  from 
the  imagined  distinction  drawn  by  the  anonymous  critic  between  the  lasting 
beauties  of  M.  Gluck's  operas  and  the  fragile  beauty  of  Italian  music  and  of 
the  opera  Roland. 

Roland,  one  of  Quinault's  weakest  operas,  was  an  outstanding  success, 
despite  the  efforts  of  the  most  shameless  clique  and  despite  the  care  taken  to 
denigrate  it  six  months  before  in  the  cafes,  the  newspapers  and  the  gazettes. 
For  two  months  Roland  attracted  large  crowds  in  spite  of  the  distraction?  and 
fatigues  of  the  Carnival,  which  do  so  much  harm  to  the  stage,  and  in  com- 
petition with  the  fees  of  the  actors,  which  is  even  more  damaging  to  the  work 
whose  success  it  impairs.  Roland  is  already  known  by  heart  by  all  who  sing  in 
Paris ;  it  is  a  standard  piano  study  for  our  young  people,  and  in  the  theatre  it 
was  constantly  applauded  from  begiruiing  to  end  each  time  it  was  presented. 
What  matter  thereafter  if,  when  the  season  reopened,  the  box-office  returns 
from  Roland  dropped  because  the  public  were  anxious  to  enjoy  the  first  fme 
days  of  spring,  were  drawn  to  the  country  and  walks  in  the  open  air,  and 
were  distracted  by  other  accidental  circumstances  (which  I  will  pass  over  in 
silence  lest  I  should  offend  anyone)  ? 

Which  work  has  lasted  longest  in  this  theatre  since  Easter?  Armide, 
Alceste  and  Orphie  followed  one  another  in  languid  succession.  Iphiginie,  one 
of  our  fmest  operas  because  it  was  made  from  the  remains  of  one  of  our 
finest  tragedies,  Iphigenia,  of  which  the  pantomime  alone  would  make  an 
interesting  and  magnificent  spectacle,  had  to  be  withdrawn.  Roland,  which 
after  sixteen  full  houses  lost  its  novel  appeal,  brought  in  good  returns  for  the 
season,  but  they  were  nothing  out  of  the  ordinary:  it  was  buled  for  the 
winter  and,  whatever  one  may  say  of  it,  will  long  remain  a  stand-by  of 
the  lyrical  theatre. 

Moreover,  is  one  to  judge  the  more  or  less  lasting  success  of  an  art-form 
which  has  just  become  established  by  the  returns  of  one  given  season?  And 
when  even  a  people,  accustomed  to  a  type  of  music  the  strength  of  which  is 
its  noise  and  which  fmds  its  expression  in  shouting,  is  less  appreciative  of  the 
clear,  pure  harmony  and  natural,  tender  melody  of  Italian  music,  is  it  any  the 
less  the  music  par  excellence  which  the  whole  of  Europe  admits  it  to  be?  Do 
habit,  prejudice  and  bad  taste,  established  for  so  long,  disappear  so  easily? 
German  music  had  gained  a  numerous  and  powerful  following  which 
clung,  at  least  from  vanity,  to  the  object  of  its  enthusiasm;  was  it  to  be 

C.G.-L 


150  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

suddenly  dissuaded  or  dissipated?  Was  it  not  more  likely  to  redouble  its 
warmth  and  obstinacy  at  this  moment  of  crisis  ?  And  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  obstacles  is  it  not  astonishing  that  this  new  music,  which  was  con- 
demned so  arrogantly  as  unworthy  to  take  its  place  in  the  heroic  theatre, 
should  have  become  estabhshed  in  one  day?  The  wise  and  impartial  pubhc, 
which  asks  only  for  enjoyment,  w^elcomed  it  with  deUght  and  as  a  natural 
thing.  This  is  enough:  time  will  do  the  rest.  When  several  works  of  the  same 
kind  have  accustomed  our  ears  to  the  charms  of  this  music,  then  we  shall  see 
if  it  makes  the  same  claims  on  us  as  on  the  rest  of  Europe,  which  has  been 
enchanted  by  it  for  a  century  and  which  does  not  yet  seem  disposed  to  prefer 
M.  Gluck's  music. 

We  were  asked  to  believe  that  the  Italians  themselves  were  'sated,  glutted, 
bored'  with  their  music ;  and  amongst  those  who  had  proscribed  it  the  name  of 
Father  Martini  has  been  quoted.  I  felt  bound  in  my  turn  to  quote  him,  and 
we  saw  whether  he  had  ever  intended  to  exclude  Italian  music  from  the 
theatre  and  substitute  German  music  for  it.  But  how  is  one  to  reconcile  him 
with  himself?  As  one  reconciles  the  anger  and  tenderness  of  a  father  who  is 
ready  to  punish  his  child  when  he  is  wayward  but  does  not  wish  to  banish 
him. 

The  Italian  song  displeases  Father  Martini,  who  finds  it  too  sparkling  and 
too  mannered:  it  also  displeases  us.  He  blames  the  modem  composers  for 
having  adhered  too  closely  to  the  fancies  of  the  singers  and  he  congratulates 
M.  Gluck  on  not  having  shown  such  deference,  and  he  is  quite  right.  But 
as  everything  in  Italian  music  is  not  mannered  and  glossy,  and  as  it  has 
countless  beauties  of  the  simplest  and  most  sublime  kind,  he  does  not  confuse 
them  with  the  false  gems ;  and  he  demands  at  one  and  the  same  time  that  it 
be  corrected  and  that  it  be  preferred  to  any  other  music  in  the  world.  We 
shall  see  this  in  the  same  letter  he  wrote  to  a  passionate  devotee  of  M.  Gluck, 
which  has  been  hailed  as  a  shattering  blow  to  Italian  music. 

'In  the  past',  says  Father  Martini,  'the  same  deference  was  not  shown  to 
the  singers.  Vinci,  Bononcini,  Scarlatti,  Marcello,  Porpora  had  succeeded, 
particularly  in  their  lively  and  expressive  recitative,  merely  by  forceful 
modulation,  in  arousing  extraordinary  emotions  to  the  point  where  members 
of  the  audience  would  grow  pale  and  shed  tears.' 

There,  to  begin  with,  according  to  Father  Martini,  is  the  tragic  music 
which  was  invented  and  flourishing  in  Italy  a  long  time  before 
M.  Gluck. 

'If  in  our  time',  he  adds,  'this  quality  in  vocal  music  were  combined  with 
the  vivacity  of  modem  instrumental  music,  oh !  what  a  fine  ensemble  that 
would  make !  And  what  pleasure  would  result  for  the  audience !' 

So  this  wish  of  the  good  Father  had  not  been  fulfilled  up  to  17th  February 
1777,  although  M.  Gluck  had  already  composed  his  masterpieces:  the 
man  whom  Father  Martini  sought  to  'procure  for  ItaHan  music  all  the  advan- 
tages enjoyed  by  that  of  the  Greeks',  had,  therefore,  not  yet  been  found, 
although  one  of  our  oracles  had  announced  his  coming. 

Let  us  hear  now  what  Father  Martini  has  to  say  of  the  essential  and 
distinctive  character  of  Italian  music,  the  music  which  he  had  denounced, 
if  M.  Gluck's  supporters  are  to  be  believed: 

'Amongst  the  advantages  of  our  Italian  music  there  are  three  qualities 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  151 

which  Jistingish  it  particularly  front  others,  namely,  the  melody,  the  harmony 
and  the  modulations.  Italian  melody  today  is  more  subtle  than  the  French  and 
more  likely  to  stir  the  emotions,  because  the  latter  retains  in  great  measure 
the  style  and  taste  of  the  melody  which  was  in  use  in  Italy  more  than  a 
hundred  years  ago.  And,  in  fact,  how  did  the  two  great  Saxon  composers 
and  masters,  I  mean  George  Frederick  Handel^^  and  Jean  Adolphe  Hasse, 
achieve  such  fame,  if  not  as  a  result  o£  purifying  their  style  in  Italy  and  adapting 
it  to  the  Italian  genius  >  (M.  Gluck  to  note.) 

'We  knew  what  a  reputation  the  former  gained  with  the  operas  he 
composed  in  Rome,  Florence  and  Naples,  after  his  taste  had  been  formed  in 
Italy.  We  also  know  how  successful  were  the  large  number  of  works 
composed  by  the  second  for  the  different  theatres  in  Italy,  after  he  had 
gone  to  Naples  and  had  completed  his  education  at  the  school  of  the 
celebrated  Alexandre  Scarlatti.'^^ 

There  we  have  two  German  composers,  very  different  from  M.  Gluck, 
praised  by  Father  Martini  for  having  acquired  the  Italian  style  and  taste  in 
Italy,  and  this  in  a  letter  written  to  a  great  friend  of  M.  Gluck. 

'Allow  me,  sir',  he  continues,  'to  explain  to  you  a  difficulty  which  I  have 
been  turning  over  for  some  time  in  my  mind  and  which,  by  comparison 
with  what  is  being  done  today,  deserves  very  serious  thought.  I  am  referring 
to  the  immoderate  use  of  dissonances.  .  .  .  I  think  that  dissonances  are  and 
must  always  have  been  rough  and  impleasing  to  the  ear,  because  they  are 
discordant  by  their  very  nature,  and  I  cannot  believe  that  they  have  changed 
their  nature  in  our  time  and  become  agreeable.  Dissonances  are  only  suitable 
for  expressing  the  most  bitter  feelings  and  the  most  violent  and  painful  move- 
ments of  the  soul.  How  is  it,  then,  that  dissonance  after  dissonance  is  employed 
to  express  the  most  delicate  and  most  tender  spiritual  emotions  ?  This  question 
has  never  ceased  to  trouble'me  and  I  submit  it  to  your  wise  and  profound 
judgment.' 

It  is  thus  that  Father  Martini  takes  leave  of  M.  Gluck's  admirer;  and 
the  good  Father  himself  has  said  to  M.  le  Comte  Marcelli^"  that  tliis  article 
on  dissonances  was  anything  but  favourable  to  the  German  composer.  The 
comphment  he  paid  him  when  the  latter  visited  him  and  the  praise  he  metes 
out  to  him  when  replying  to  one  of  his  friends  must,  therefore,  not  be  taken 
literally,  and,  in  quoting  them,  it  should  not  have  been  necessary  to  conceal 
what  reduced  them  to  their  true  value. 

This,  sir,  is  a  very  long  letter,  but  it  takes  longer  to  unravel  sophistry 
than  to  perpetrate  it ;  and  when  one  has  no  right  to  be  trenchant,  one  can 
hardly  be  laconic.  In  my  view,  we  should  now  leave  the  two  varieties  of 
music  to  contend  for  the  public  taste  themselves,  for  it  alone  should  be  the 
arbiter  and  the  true  judge. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 

^  The  Library  of  Congress  in  Washington  has  a  libretto  of  the  work 
(ML50.2.G497) :  'Ilgiocatore.  Intermezzo  per  musica.  In  tre  atti.  Da  represen- 
tarsi  in  Parigi,  nell'  Theatro,  Opera,  il  1752. — Le  joueur.  Intermede  en 
musique  en  trois  actes.  Represente  (sic)  ä  Paris,  sur  le  Theatre  de  I'Opera  en 
1752.'  On  the  last  page,  the  Approbation,  dated  Versailles,  August  20 
1752.  Cast:  Serpilla — Anna  Tonelli;  Baccoco — Pietro  Manelli.  [cf.  O.G.T. 


152  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Sonneck,  Catalogue  of  Opera  Librettos  printed  before  1800.  Washington  1914]. 
^  Leonardo  Vinci's  Opera  Artaserse  had  its  first  performance  in  the  Teatro 
delle  Dame  in  Rome  on  4th  February  1730.  His  Didone  abbandonata  had  been 
first  performed  in  Rome  four  years  earher. 

2  Le  Cid  and  Cinna,  the  well-known  plays  by  P.  Comeüle,  were  first  per- 
formed in  Paris  in  1636  and  1639  respectively. 

^  Olympiade  by  G.  B.  Pergolesi,  which  ranked  as  his  best  opera  seria,  was  first 
performed  in  Rome  on  8  th  (9th?)  January  1735. 

5  J.  Ph.  Rameau's  operas  Hyppolyte  et  Aride  (1733),  libretto  by  Simon  Joseph 
de  PeUegrin,  Dardanus  (1739),  libretto  by  Charles  Antoine  Le  Clerc  de  la 
Bruyere,  and  Castor  et  Pollux  1737,  libretto  by  Pierre  Joseph  Justin  (Gentü-) 
Bernard,  were  regularly  performed  in  the  Paris  Opera  in  the  i8th 
century. 

^  Horace,  one  of  P.  Corneüle's  masterpieces,  was  dedicated  to  Cardinal 
RicheHeu  and  first  performed  in  1639. 

'  Sir  Isaac  Newton  (born  Woolsthorpe  5th January  1643,  died  Kensington 
31st  March  1727),  was  the  founder  of  modern  mathematical  physics  and 
physical  astronomy.  He  discovered  the  law  of  gravity,  invented  the  differen- 
tial calculus,  and  pubhshed  important  theses  on  hght-refraction  and  sound- 
radiation.  His  main  work  is  the  Philosophia  naturalis  principia  mathematica 
[London  1687]. 

^  GuiLLOT  LE  Sycophant  is  one  of  the  characters  in  La  Fontaine's  fable 
Le  hup  devenu  berger  (III,  2). 

^  Leonardo  Oronzo  Salvatore  de  Leo  (born  San  Vieto  degli  Schiavi 
5th  August  1694,  died  Naples  31st  October  1744)  was  one  of  the  leading 
representatives  of  the  Neapolitan  school  in  opera  buffa  and  religious  music. 
In  1725  he  joined  the  Court  Orchestra  and  became  conductor  in  1744. 
Jommelli  and  Piccinni  were  amongst  his  pupils. 

^^  Sassoni  is  Johann  Adolf  Hasse  (born  Bergedorf  near  Hamburg  25th 
March  1699,  died  Venice  i6th  December  1783),  in  his  time  the  leading 
representative  of  opera  seria  and  known  throughout  Europe  as  'ü  divino 
Sassone',  for  his  fame  had  spread  from  Dresden,  where,  apart  from  a  trium- 
phal stay  in  Italy  from  173 1  to  1734,  he  was  Court  Conductor  from  1730 
to  1763. 

^  Andre  Campra  (baptized  Aix-en-Provence  4th  December  1660,  died 
Versailles  29th  June  1744)  was  the  most  important  composer  of  opera 
between  Lully  and  Rameau,  From  1694  to  1700  he  was  choirmaster  at 
Notre  Dame  in  Paris,  then  he  took  up  opera  and  in  1723  became  Royal 
Conductor  and  Master  of  Music. 

^2  Andre  Cardinal  Destouches  (baptized  Paris  6th  April  1672,  died 
Paris  3rd  February  1749)  was  a  pupu  of  Campra  before  he  became  Inspector 
General  in  1713  and  in  1728  Director  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Music.  He 
was  one  of  the  outstanding  opera  composers  of  his  time  and  enjoyed  the 
special  favour  of  Louis  XIV. 

^^Les  talents  lyriques  or  Les  fetes  d'Hebe,  a  very  successful  operatic  ballet  by 
J.  Ph.  Rameau,  was  first  performed  in  1739  and,  like  the  heroic  ballet  Les 
Indes  galantes,  which  was  first  performed  in  1735,  it  retained  its  popularity 
for  a  long  time. 
14  Pygmalion  is  the  well-known  nionodrama  by  J.  J.  Rousseau,  which  had  its 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghck  153 

premiere  in  Lyons  in  1770  with  music  by  Horace  Coignet  [173  5-1 821],  who 
also  introduced  two  musical  numbers  by  Rousseau,  and  was  later  performed 
in  Paris  in  1775. 

^^  Colotiie  is  A.  Sacchini's  Opera  Visola  d'amore. 

^^  La  bonne ßUe  was  a  popular  comic  opera  by  N.  Piccinni.  It  was  first  pre- 
sented in  Rome  in  1760  and  in  Paris  on  17th  June  1771. 
^"^  L'ami  de  la  maison  by  A.  E.  M.  Gretry  was  first  performed  in  Paris  in  1771 
and,  like  the  operas  Zemire  et  Azor  (1771)  and  Silvain  (1770),  was  still  being 
produced  in  France  in  the  early  part  of  the  19th  century. 
^^  George  Frederick  Handel  (born  Halle/Saale  23rd  February  1685,  died 
London  14th  April  1759). 

i^PiETRO  Alessandro  Gasparo  Scarlatti  (born  Palermo  2nd  May 
1660,  died  Naples  24th  October  1725)  was  the  leading  exponent  of  the 
Neapohtan  opera  seria.  He  was  a  conductor  in  Rome  and  Naples.  Among 
his  pupils  was  Johann  Adolf  Hasse. 
20  CoNTE  Marcelli  is  Benedetto  Marcello. 


J.  B.  Suard  answered  in  the  Mercure  de  France  of  5th  October  1778  as 
follows : 

....  There  are  people  who  argue  like  travellers :  the  one  who  has  taken 
a  wrong  turning  moves  farther  and  farther  away  from  his  destination  with 
every  step  he  takes. 

One  begins  by  discussing  the  question  in  hand;  one  finishes  up  by  merely 
discussing  one's  opinions  and  one's  phrases. 

This  is  what  would  happen  to  me,  were  I  to  reply  to  all  the  points 
raised  in  M.  Marmontel's  letter.  In  truth,  I  would  have  made  no  reply  at 
all,  if  it  had  merely  been  a  question  of  defending  my  own  opinions  and  my 
own  taste.  But  reproaches  have  been  made  against  me  which  I  must  rebut, 
for  to  keep  silence  would  be  to  confirm  them. 

I  love  music.  I  am,  as  has  been  said  of  me,  an  'enthusiast'  for  M.  Gluck's 
operas ;  I  regard  him  as  the  creator  of  the  true  system  of  dramatic  music ; 
to  him  I  owe  the  most  pleasurable  moments  and  the  sweetest  emotions  I 
have  ever  experienced  in  the  theatre;  I  do  not  believe  that  a  sincere  love 
of  the  arts  is  possible  without  a  deep  sense  of  affection  and  gratitude  towards 
those  who  enrich  and  perfect  these  arts;  I  have  seen  M.  Gluck  attacked 
immoderately  and  unjustly  at  a  moment  when,  had  he  possessed  even  less 
genius  and  fame,  he  still  deserved  nothing  but  encouragement  and  applause ; 
so  I  took  up  my  pen  to  defend  him.  He  had  no  need  of  my  defence ;  the  public 
avenged  him  much  more  effectively  than  my  praises  could  ever  do;  but  I 
was  giving  expression  to  a  feeling  which  was  dear  to  me  and  which  seemed 
to  me  a  duty. 

For  along  time  M.  Gluck  had  been  enjoying  his  constant  and  frequent 
triumphs  in  peace,  when  M.  Marmontel,  in  reviewing  a  brochure  on  music, 
thought  fit  to  launch  a  fresh  and  somewhat  uncalled-for  attack  on  the  merits 
of  this  composer.  In  order  to  prove  that  M.  Gluck  had  not  a  very  high 
reputation  in  Italy,  he  quoted  a  letter  from  Father  Martini,  which,  although 
it  praised  M.  Gluck,  did  so  with  some  reservations.  I  felt  obliged  to  quote 
an  earlier  letter,  in  which  Father  Martini  praised  M.  Gluck  even  more 


154  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

forcefully  and  unreservedly,  giving  him  the  credit  for  having  combined  all 
that  is  finest  in  Italian  music  with  all  that  is  best  in  French  and  German 
music;  the  which  he  has  never  said  and  can  never  say  of  any  Italian  com- 
poser. 

This  was  a  simple  question  of  fact.  I  endeavoured  to  give  it  a  little  more 
stress  by  making  a  few  general  observations  on  music  which  were  designed 
to  give  birth  to,  I  will  not  say  new  ideas  but  as  least,  interesting  reflections 
on  art.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  is  the  only  way  to  make  literary  disputes  more 
useful  and  more  piquant. 

I  did  not  permit  myself  a  single  word  in  my  reply  which  might,  directly 
or  indirectly,  offend  M.  Marmontel.  He  did  not  feel  obliged  to  show  me  the 
same  consideration.  He  slightly  ridiculed  some  of  the  phrases  I  employed.  I 
am  in  no  way  offended;  if  I  was  wrong,  then  he  was  fully  justified;  if  I 
was  right,  then  I  continue  to  be  so. 

In  quoting  M.  le  Prince  Beloselski's  Essai}  I  spoke  of  his  work  with 
esteem  and  of  his  person  with  the  greatest  respect.  I  merely  observed  that  he 
made  too  frequent  use  of  vague,  general  expressions,  figures  of  speech  and 
comparisons  borrowed  from  the  other  arts,  which  were  hardly  calculated  to 
give  a  clear  idea  of  the  artists  and  the  productions  he  was  trying  to  describe; 
I  thought  this  observation  all  the  more  useful  as  the  misuse  of  figuratives 
or  abstract  expressions  has  become  a  habit  with  men  of  intelligence  who, 
while  they  are  skilful  at  arranging  words,  are  not  familiar  with  the  alphabet  of 
the  arts,  yet  regard  themselves  as  competent  to  judge  anything  and  everything, 
because  it  pleases  them  to  talk  about  anything,  and  they  write  on  these  arts, 
which  they  have  not  studied,  with  a  confidence  that  one  should  not  assume 
even  when  writing  about  subjects  with  which  one  is  most  famiUar.  M.  le 
Prince  Beloselski  did  not  need  to  have  recourse  to  this  little  trick  of  conscious 
ignorance  in  order  to  write  in  an  interesting  way  on  music,  which  he  had 
studied  in  the  home  of  music. 

In  taking  some  phrases  from  his  Essai  as  examples,  I  transcribed  the  actual 
words  quite  faithfully,  without  drawing  any  inference  and  without  reading 
more  into  them  than  was  there;  yet  M.  Marmontel  accuses  me  of  having 
'mutilated'  this  essay,  without,  however,  quoting  or  being  able  to  quote  any 
of  the  mutilated  phrases. 

I  took  exception  to  M.  le  Prince  Beloselski's  statement  'that  Vinci^  was 
a  creator  like  Corneille'^;  the  author  adds,  it  is  true,  that  'the  musician 
wrote  the  first  good  tragedy',  and  that  both  have  'approximately  the  same 
high  standard  of  tragic  ideas,  the  same  warmth  and  the  same  rapidity  of  style'. 
But,  if  I  had  quoted  these  reasons,  I  would  have  been  obliged  to  add  that 
Corneille  has  never  been  regarded  as  a  'creator'  of  comedy ;  that  the  Menteur 
is  not  a  'creation'  but  a  comedy  in  the  Spanish  style;  that  it  is  possible  to 
have  'a  high  standard  of  ideas  and  rapidity  of  style',  without  having  'created' 
anything,  etc.  I  did  not  insist  upon  this,  because  I  did  not  wish  to  embark 
upon  a  criticism  of  the  Essai.  And  now  that  I  am  being  confronted  with 
these  phrases,  might  I  not  ask  those  who  quote  them  to  tell  me  wherein  lie 
the  'high  standard  and  the  rapidity  of  style'  in  Vinci's  ariettas?  All  such 
words  are  easy  to  write  and  to  read,  and  everyone  believes  he  understands 
them,  but  it  might  perhaps  be  very  embarrassing  to  apply  them  strictly  to  an 
aria  from  Artaxerce  or  Didon. 


of  Christoph  WillihnU  Ghick  155 

Once  more,  when  one  speaks  of  an  art-form,  one  only  makes  oneself  fully 
understood  if  one  speaks  the  language  of  the  art  in  question ;  comparisons 
and  metaphors  are  only  designed  to  make  ideas  more  meaningful  and  more 
striking;  but  they  must  come  to  the  aid  of  the  proper  word,  not  replace  it. 

On  the  same  principle,  I  thought  that  to  call  Pergolesi*  'the  most  eloquent 
of  composers'  was  not  to  express  oneself  with  sufficient  precision.  I  fmd 
the  first  couplet  of  the  Stabat  sublime  and  moving,  but,  I  had  added,  'to 
excite  emotion  is  not  the  same  as  to  be  eloquent,  and  there  is  nothing  so 
rare  as  eloquence  in  music'. 

M.  Marmontel  protests  that  the  first  couplet  of  the  Stabat  is  not  the  only 
one  that  is  sublime  and  moving,  which  I  have  no  desire  to  contest.  He  adds, 
'Where  then  is  eloquence  to  be  found  if  not  in  the  exciting  of  emotion?'  Can 
one  not  reply:  in  Demosthenes,^  who  does  not  arouse  emotion,  in  Bossuet,* 
who  is  hardly  emotional,  in  several  otlier  writers,  who  have  no  intention  of 
being  so  ?  On  the  other  hand,  are  not  the  cries  of  Philocretes'  in  his  cave 
moving  without  being  eloquent;  A  simple  word  spoken  by  a  suffering  child, 
the  incoherent  speech  of  a  maniac  may  move  one  to  tears,  but  there  is  no 
eloquence.  In  fact,  if,  as  M.  Marmontel  gives  us  to  understand,  'moving' 
and  'eloquent'  are  synonymous,  why  did  he  not  say  that  Pergolesi  was 
'the  most  moving  of  composers' ?  That  would  have  been  just  as  elegant  and 
everyone  would  have  understood  it. 

I  do  not  believe,  like  M.  le  Prince  Beloselski,  that  M.  Piccinni  was  'parti- 
cularly gifted  in  expressing  the  meaning  of  words'.  M.  Marmontel  says  that 
'until  now  the  whole  of  Europe  has  held  this  view',  and  adds,  in  order  to  make 
me  look  ridiculous,  that  'I  wish  to  create  the  impression  that  the  whole  of 
Europe  understands  notliing  of  this'.  I  might  ask  where  and  when  the  whole 
of  Europe  said  this.  While  I  am  waiting  for  this  certificate  from  the  whole  of 
Europe  to  be  produced  in  public,  I  must  justify  the  criticism  I  made  of  three 
pieces  in  Roland,  where  I  claimed  that  the  sense  of  the  music  was  hardly 
in  accord  with  that  of  the  words.  This  is  the  only  point  in  the  whole  of  this 
discussion  which  is  close  to  my  heart  and  which  made  me  decide  to  reply, 
because  I  do  not  wish  to  be  suspected  of  having  lightly  attacked  a  composer 
as  famous  as  M.  Piccinni,  whose  fine  works  I  admire  and  love  as  sincerely  as 
any  of  his  most  zealous  supporters,  though  not  in  the  same  degree. 

I  have  said  that  M.  Piccinni,  like  the  greatest  masters  in  Italy,  sometimes 
sacrificed  the  meaning  and  punctuation  of  a  verbal  phrase  to  symmetry  and  to 
the  development  of  a  musical  phrase.  I  quoted  as  an  example  the  air  'Je  la 
verrai',  and  I  said  that  'this  line,  which  the  poet  punctuated  as  follows: 

"Esclave,  heureux  de  servir  tant  d'appas", 
the  musician  had  punctuated  thus:  "Esclave  heureux;  de  servir  tant  d'appas", 
which  no  longer  makes  sense.' 

M.  Marmontel  replies  that  I  am  mistaken;  that  the  'composer  did  not 
detach  these  words,  "de  servir  tant  d'appas"  ',  that  he  wrote  'heureux  de 
servir  tant  d'appas',  in  one  sequence  and  without  pause. 

As  I  had  only  quoted  from  memory,  I  was  afraid,  when  I  read  such  a 
positive  assertion,  that  my  memory  or  my  ears  might  have  deceived  me.  I 
procured  the  score  and  found  written  there  what  I  had  heard  sving.  'Esclave 
heureux'  is  repeated  three  times  in  the  aria.  In  each  of  these  three  places 
'esclave'  is  always  linked  with  'heureux'  by  double  crotchets ;  'heureux'  falls 


156  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

on  a  crotchet  which  forms  the  first  beat  of  the  measure  and  with  the  bass 
provides  a  perfect  cadence;  this  constitutes  a  very  appreciable  pause:  'de 
servir  tant  d'appas'  is  then  detached  and  is  not  written  in  immediate 
sequence. 

This  is  not  a  question  of  taste  or  sentiment,  but  a  question  of  fact ;  it 
is  sufficient  to  know  what  one  means  by  a  'pause'  in  a  musical  phrase.  This 
is  what  I  will  try  to  explain  clearly  in  taking  up  once  again  the  second 
criticism  I  had  made  of  Angelique's  aria : 

Oui,  je  le  dois;  je  suis  Reine. 

Du  doux  penchant  qui  m'entraine 

Oui,  je  dois  me  garantir. 

I  said  that  the  second  line  ends  with  a  pause,  which  separates  it  from  the 
following  line,  to  which  it  should  be  linked. 

'The  answer  is  simple',  says  M.  Marmontel.  'There  is  no  final  pause  after 
the  second  line ;  and  M.  Piccinni,  who  knows  what  a  pause  means  in  music, 
confirms  that  there  is  none.' 

This  is  a  very  definite  assertion  and  by  a  very  impressive  authority. 
And  yet,  beheve  it  or  not,  I  merely  stated  a  simple  truth  which  must  be 
clear  to  anyone  who  understands  musical  terminology.  I  shall  explain  it  as 
succinctly  as  I  possibly  can. 

Musical  discourse,  like  oratory,  is  divided  into  more  or  less  prolonged 
phrases  and  portions  of  phrases,  which  are  separated  by  more  or  less  appre- 
ciable, more  or  less  absolute  intervals;  these  intervals  are  indicated  by  the 
nature,  the  value  and  the  position  of  the  note  where  they  fall.  Thus  when 
a  phrase  in  a  song  ends  on  the  principal  note  of  the  scale  of  the  aria,  when 
this  note  is  on  the  strong  beat  of  the  bar,  when  the  bass,  proceeding  by  way 
of  the  dominant  to  the  tonic,  stops  on  the  tonal  consonance,  that  is  what 
composers  call  'perfect  cadence'  and  that  is  what  constitutes  a  final  pause. 
All  these  characteristics  are  indubitably  present  in  the  passage  in  question. 
The  aria  is  in  B  flat;  at  the  words  'du  doux  penchant  qui  m'entraine'  the 
song  gives  'entraine'  three  crotchets,  the  first  of  which  is  the  la,  forming 
part  of  the  dominant  seventh,  and  the  two  others  are  the  B  flat,  a  tonal 
note.  The  bass  strikes  the  same  note  at  the  strong  beat  of  the  bar  and  all  the 
instruments  are  in  perfect  harmony.  Finally,  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure, 
the  phrase  ends  with  a  silence  lasting  half  the  bar,  which  separates  it  more 
markedly  from  the  next  phrase. 

I  crave  the  reader's  forgiveness  for  entering  into  these  technical  details 
and  I  beg  him  not  to  believe  that  I  wish  to  pose  as  a  connoisseur  or  a  scholar; 
I  am  merely  a  not  very  advanced  student ;  my  knowledge  is  derived  solely 
from  having  read  the  works  of  the  masters  with  sufficient  application  to 
enable  me  to  understand  the  elements  of  the  science.  As  I  had  to  defend 
my  criticism  against  a  trenchant  and  positive  assertion  by  M.  de  Marmontel, 
supported  by  the  evidence  of  M.  Piccinni,  I  could  only  meet  such  great 
authorities  with  reasons  and  famous  names.  Also  what  I  have  just  said  is  not 
my  doctrine;  it  is  the  simple  doctrine,  faithfully  reproduced,  of  all  the 
authors  who  have  written  on  composition,  of  Rameau,^  of  J.  J.  Rousseau,  even 
of  P.  Martini  and  several  others,  whose  words  I  do  not  quote  in  order  not  to 
overload  this  essay  with  quotations  which  are  of  no  value  to  men  of  learning 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  157 

and  of  still  less  value  to  those  without  learning.  [Vide  the  various  works  by 
Ranieau  and  particularly  his  Code  de  Musiqiie;  Ch.  X  Rousseau  Diclionn. 
de  Mus.,  art.  'Cadence  et  Phrase';  M.  Bemetzrieder  9,  Trait^  de  Musique 
Thhri-pratique,  p.  243 ;  M.  de  Belesta  10,  Nouveau  Systeme  de  Musique 
thiori  queet  pratique,  p.  190;  D.  Eximeno,  Regole  della  Musica;  P.  Martini, 
Saggio  fondamentale  pratico  di  contrapunto,  parte  prima,  etc.]  I  consulted 
four  composers  on  the  same  subject  and  all  seemed  astonished  that  such 
a  question  could  have  been  raised;  all  offered  to  sign  their  names  to  their 
opinions ;  it  emerges  from  this  accumulated  and  unanimous  evidence  that  the 
line  'Du  doux  penchant  qui  m'entraine'  clearly  ends  with  a  final  pause,  and 
so  final  that  the  aria  itself  could  end  on  the  same  phrase  of  the  song.  The 
ear  is  a  sufficient  judge  of  this;  but  aural  perception  is  open  to  dispute,  and 
it  is  difficult  to  dispute  clear  and  established  principles  which  are  accepted 
by  all  the  masters  in  the  art. 

The  question  will  now  be  asked  how  it  comes  about  that  so  great  a  master  as 
M.  Piccinni  contests  these  same  principles.  I  have  nothing  to  reply  save 
that  the  question  cannot  have  been  posed  to  him  as  I  had  presented  it  or  that 
he  does  not  attach  to  the  same  words  the  same  ideas  as  do  the  French 
composers;  but  if  he  took  the  trouble  to  read  what  I  have  just  written,  I  am 
convinced  that  he  would  not  affirm  the  contrary,  unless  he  had  evolved  a  new 
theory  on  this  section  of  composition,  which  he  should  then  be  invited  to 
publish. 

There  is  a  third  criticism  which  still  remains  to  be  justified,  that  of 
Roland's  monologue.  I  wrote  that  the  musician  had  depicted  'the  calm  of  the 
night  and  the  serenity  of  hope'.  M.  Marmontel  informs  me  that  the 
musician  did  not  set  out  to  depict  'the  calm  of  the  night'  but  'the  calm  of 
hope'.  I  ask  M.  Piccinni's  pardon ;  it  was  M.  de  la  Harpe  who  led  me  into  error ; 
they  are  his  owoi  words  which  I  transcribed  (vide  Le  Journal  de  Litterature, 
5  th  February) ;  and  I  quoted  them  with  confidence,  believing  him  to  have 
discovered  the  composer's  secret.  It  is  for  him  to  defend  his  phrase;  as  one 
cannot  doubt  his  good  intention,  I  am  convinced  that  he  wdll  not  be  taken 
too  much  to  task  for  this  small  incident. 

As  for  me,  I  believe,  like  M.  de  la  Harpe,  that  the  musician  depicted 
night  and  that  he  would  have  done  better  to  depict  the  sun.  And,  when  I 
recall  the  first  four  lines  of  the  monologue,  which  clearly  express  the  author's 
intention: 

Ah !  J'attendrai  toujours !  La  nuit  est  loin  encore ! 

Quoi,  le  soleil  veut-il  fuire  toujours ! 

Jalou  de  mon  bonheur,  il  prolonge  son  cours 

Pour  retarder  la  beaute  que  j 'adore. 

— In  these  lines  I  no  more  find  'the  calm  of  hope'  than  I  find  'the  calm  of 
the  night' ;  I  still  see  in  them  the  impatience  of  a  lover  for  whom  the  hours 
pass  all  too  slowly;  and  when  I  think  that  this  lover  is  the  paladin  Roland, 
who  would  fain  draw  out  the  sun's  fire  in  order  to  bring  forward  the 
moment  of  a  rendezvous  and  who  is  then  plunged  into  a  frenzy  when  he  finds 
himself  betrayed,  I  think  one  can  call  him  'a  frantic  lover'.  Such  are  my 
views  and  my  reasons,  which  I  leave  to  whatever  judgment  may  be  passed  on 
them;  I  have  already  spent  too  long  on  a  frivolous  discussion. 


158  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

At  this  point  I  cannot  refrain  from  making  one  observation  on  the 
redoutable  influence  exercised  by  the  polemical  spirit.  On  two  musical 
phrases  I  made  two  critical  remarks,  which  seem  to  me  to  be  as  apparent  to 
the  ear  as  they  are  obvious  to  the  mind;  M.  Marmontel  finds  them  'self- 
evidently '  false.  He  cites  the  authority  of  a  great  master,  M.  Piccinni ;  I  can  cite 
the  authority  of  all  the  greatest  masters  who  have  written  on  composition  and 
that  of  all  the  musicians  I  know.  There  must,  on  one  side  or  the  other,  be 
some  very  strange  illusion.  It  is  for  the  reader  to  judge. 

I  will  content  myself  now  with  recalling  some  of  M.  Marmontel's 
criticisms  of  my  letter.  I  had  said  that  the  Italians,  appreciative  though  they 
are  of  music,  grew  tired  of  the  finest  opera  after  a  small  number  of  perform- 
ances and  no  longer  wished  to  see  it  in  the  same  theatre.  This  is  a  fact;  I 
gave  this  explanation,  which  is  based  upon  the  principles  common  to  all  the 
arts:  anything  designed  merely  to  flatter  the  senses  and  to  produce  vague 
and  superficial  impressions  upon  the  soul  cannot  please  for  long,  retains  its 
appeal  only  by  its  variety  and  leaves  the  audience  with  no  desire  to  see  it 
again.  This  explanation  may  be  trivial  but  it  is  clear  and  easy  to  apply  to 
the  Italian  operas.  M.  Marmontel  finds  it  bad:  so  be  it.  Are  the  explanations 
he  gives  of  this  phenomenon  any  more  satsifying  ? 

M.  Marmontel  believes  that  pohcy  plays  a  great  part  in  the  inconstancy  of 
the  Italians  with  regard  to  music  and  to  the  distaste  which  they  feel  for  even 
the  finest  opera  when  they  have  heard  it  five  or  six  times,  and  that  this  'pohcy' 
is  to  encourage  the  great  composers  who  are  emerging  en  masse  in  Italy. 
Italian  policy  has  long  been  vaunted:  people  had  not  reahzed  perhaps  that 
it  went  quite  so  far. 

M.  Marmontel  then  says  that  'for  sensitive  ears  there  is  a  powerful  appeal 
in  new  music  set  to  old  words'.  I  can  hardly  beheve  that  these  'sensitive  ears' 
would  find  a  very  powerful  appeal  in  hearing  new  music  to  the  old  words 
of  the  Stabat. 

M.  Marmontel  adds  that  'dehcate  ears  require  that  music  should  have  a 
perfect  analogy  with  the  voice  which  executes  it'  and  that,  as  the  voices  are 
constantly  changing  in  the  Italian  theatres,  'people  like  a  change  of  music*. 
All  this  seems  to  me  to  prove  irrefutably  what  I  have  been  trying  to  say, 
that  the  Italians  seek  in  music  no  more  than  aural  pleasure. 

M.  Marmontel  says  again  that,  if  our  taste  in  music  acliieves  perfection, 
'we  will  look  for  new  operas  every  year,  like  new  materials'.  This  clearly 
reduces  the  effect  of  music  to  pure  sensation;  I  would  never  have  imagined 
that  the  success  of  works  of  genius  could  be  merely  a  question  of  fashion  and 
that  the  most  moving  and  most  endearing  of  all  the  arts  could  be  compared 
to  'the  industry  of  our  manufacturers'. 

M.  Marmontel  fmally  concludes  from  these  various  observations  that  it  is 
from  an  abundanceof  beautiful  things  that  the  Italians  grow  tired  of  beautiful 
things,  and  that  it  is  through  indigence  that  we  never  tire  of  applauding 
what  we  find  beautiful. 

It  follows  from  this  theory  that  the  countless  multitude  of  sonnets 
which  abound  in  Italy  must  engender  in  the  delicate  ears  of  the  Italians  a 
revulsion  towards  the  sonnets  of  Petrarch,  and  that,  when  Italy  had  more 
great  painters  than  she  has  great  musicians  today,  the  new  pictures  must,  of 
necessity,  make  them  forget  those  of  Michelangelo  and  Raphael. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  159 

Every  year  in  Paris  more  tragedies  arc  written  than  the  comedians  can 
or  will  perform;  but,  although  we  like  novelty  as  much  as  any  people  in  the 
world,  I  hope  that  our  taste  in  poetry  will  never  reach  that  stage  of  perfection 
at  which  we  prefer  what  is  new  to  what  is  beautiful,  at  which  we  forget 
the  tragedies  of  Racine  and  Voltaire  and  wish  to  see  on  the  French  stage  only 
those  modern  tragedies  which  are  so  highly  praised  by  their  authors  and 
applauded  by  their  friends. 

M.  Marmontel  compares  the  success  of  M.  Gluck's  operas  with  that  of  our 
former  operas  at  a  time  when  we  only  knew  our  own  music;  he  overlooks 
the  fact  that  those  who  today  applaud  Iphigenie  and  Orphee  have  heard 
EnnelindaP-  Cephale}^  Roland  and  our  best  comic  operas,  all  of  which, 
according  to  him,  'are  pure  Italian  music  adapted  to  French  words'. 

M.  Marmontel  replies  that  Iphigenie  had  to  be  withdrawn  this  summer  and 
that  returns  from  the  Ophee  have  been  reduced  to  between  400  and  500  livres ; 
this  might  happen  to  operas  performed  in  summer  for  the  hundredth  or 
hundred  and  fiftieth  time.  Yet  Iphigenie  and  Orphee  are  still  filling  the  Opera 
House  and  returns  have  never  been  as  low  as  400  livres  or  even  700  livres. 
I  am  astonished  that  M.  Marmontel  should  indulge  in  such  forms  of  criticism. 

I  am  no  less  astonished  that  he  still  insists  that  'anyone  discussing  the 
arts  should  give  his  name'.  He  would  like  to  know  whether,  like  him,  I 
merely  have  instinct  or  know  how  to  accompany  a  bass,  in  order  to  judge 
what  degree  of  authority  I  deserve. 

Eh !  Of  what  consequence  is  the  name  of  someone  who  does  not  ask  that 
his  word  be  accepted  as  gospel,  who  does  not  dogmatize,  who  backs  his 
opinions  and  discusses  facts?  What!  the  public  must  know  if  I  am  a  scholar 
or  an  ignorant  man  in  order  to  judge  if  I  am  right  or  wrong !  And,  as  my 
readers  vidll,  of  necessity,  hold  very  divergent  views  of  my  savoir  faire, 
each  of  them  will,  of  necessity,  hold  a  different  view  on  the  basic  question 
from  that  of  all  the  others  1  This  is  an  entirely  novel  way  of  settling  disputes. 

If  I  had  the  puerile  vanity,  or,  if  you  like,  the  humility  to  put  my  name 
to  a  few  pages  written  in  haste  on  a  passing  dispute  concerning  music,  M. 
Marmontel  might  know  that  it  is  not  merely  in  the  concert-halls  of  Paris  that 
I  have  heard  Italian  music,  as  he  says,  but  that  I  have  seen  fine  operas  by 
Sacchini,  by  Bach,^^  etc.,  performed  by  highly  skilled  virtuosos  in  one  of  the 
great  capitals  of  Europe;  he  would  know  that  I  have  never  been,  as  he 
suggests,  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Rameau  and  Mondonville^* ;  he  might 
even  remember  that,  in  occasional  discussions  with  him  on  Italian  music  and 
French  music,  it  was  not  I  who  defended  the  operas  of  Rameau  and  Mondon- 
ville.  But  the  public  would  be  in  no  better  position  to  judge  us,  and  I  would 
have  the  disadvantage  of  pitting  my  obscure  name  against  the  rightly  famous 
name  of  M.  Marmontel;  that  would  be  to  fight  with  too  unequal  weapons. 

In  literature  as  at  the  Bar,  it  seems  to  me  that,  if  the  judges  did  not  know 
the  names  of  those  pleading,  the  judgments  passed  would  be  none  the  worse. 
This  I  propose  to  consider  more  closely  on  another  occasion.  In  the  mean- 
time, I  take  the  liberty  of  saying  to  M.  Marmontel,  like  Nicodemus^^ : 

'My  lord,  if  I  am  right,  what  matters  it  who  I  am  ?' 

^  Prince  Alexander  Beloselsky  (bom  Petersburg  1757,  died  Petersburg 
26th  December  1 809)  was  Russian  Ambassador  in  Turin  and  Dresden.  He  was 


i6o  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

a  talented  man  of  letters  and.  his  monograph  De  la  musique  en  Italie  was  pub- 
hshed  in  The  Hague  in  1778. 

2  Leonardo  Vinci  (bom  StrongoU  1690,  died  Naples  27th  May  1727)  was 
one  of  the  outstanding  composers  of  the  so-called  NeapoHtan  School  and, 
from  1725  onwards,  conductor  of  the  Royal  Orchestra  in  Naples. 

3  Pierre  Corneille  (bom  Rouen  6th  June  1606,  died  Paris  ist  October 
1684)  was  a  lavvryer  and  one  of  France's  most  famous  dramatists.  His  comedy 
Le  Menteur,  which  was  first  produced  in  1625,  was  based  on  a  plot  from 
Juan  d'Alcaron  or  Lope  de  Vega's  La  verdad  sospechosa. 

^  Giovanni  Battista  Pergolesi  (bom  Jesi  4th  January  1710,  died 
Pozzuoh  i6th  March  1736)  achieved  international  fame  with  his  opera 
La  serva  padrona.  The  Paris  production  in  1752  led  to  the  famous  'QuereUes 
des  Buffons',  the  dispute  between  the  champions  of  Italian  and  French  Opera. 
^Demosthenes  (bom  Demos  Paeania  383  b.c.,  died  Kalauria  October 
322  B.c.),  the  famous  Greek  orator,  who  distinguished  himself  in  both  law 
and  pohtics. 

^Jacques  Benigne  Bossuet,  S.  J.  (born  Dijon  27th  September  1627, 
died  Paris  12th  April  1704)  was  a  famous  preacher  and  historian.  In  1681 
he  became  Bishop  of  Meaux  and  in  1698  first  Almoner  of  the  Duchess  of 
Burgundy. 

'  Philo CRETES  was  a  famous  archer  during  the  Trojan  War. 
^  Jean  Philippe  Rameau  (baptized  Dijon  25th  September  1683,  died  Paris 
I2th  September  1764)  was  known  as  a  composer  both  of  opera  and  of  harpsi- 
chord music  and  also  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  in  the  sphere  of  musical 
theory.  In  1745  Louis  XIV  appointed  him  a  'Compositeur  de  Musique  de 
la  Chambre'. 

^  Anton  Bemetzrieder  (bom  Alsace  1743  [1748?],  died  London  c.  1817) 
was  a  Benedictine  monk,  who  later  became  a  student  of  mathematics  and 
physics.  He  moved  to  Paris,  where  he  became  known  as  a  writer  on  music 
and  gave  Diderot's  daughter  piano  lessons.  In  1781  he  went  to  London. 
^"Jean  Baptists  de  Bellestat  (bom  Burg  Bellestat  i8th  April  1750, 
died  Foix  January  1816)  was  an  engineer  and  mathematician. 
^^  Ermelinda,  Princesse  de  Norvege,  an  opera  by  Andre  Danican  Philidor 
(1726-1795),  which  was  first  presented  in  Paris  in  1767  and  was  again 
included  in  the  repertoire  ten  years  later. 

^^  Cephale  et  Procris  ou  V Amour  conjugal,  an  opera  by  Andre  Ernest 
Modeste  Gretry  (1741-1813),  which  was  first  performed  at  Versailles  on 
30th  December  1773. 

^3 Johann  Christian  Bach  (baptized  Leipzig  7th  September  1735,  died 
London  ist  January  1782)  was  the  youngest  son  of  Johann  Sebastian 
Bach. 

^^Jean  Joseph  Casanea  de  Mondonville  (baptized  Narbonne  25th 
December  1711,  died  Belleville  near  Paris  8th  October  1772)  was  an  operatic 
composer  of  standing  and  one  of  the  first  composers  of  piano  sonatas  with 
violin  accompaniment.  From  1744  onwards  he  was  Surintendant  of  the 
Royal  Orchestra  at  Versailles  and  from  1755  to  1762  Director  of  the  'Con- 
cert Spirituel'. 

^5  NicoDEMUs,  a  Pharisee  and  member  of  the  High  Council  of  Judaea, 
who  embraced  Christianity  after  Christ's  death. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  i6i 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  ist  November  [1778] 
Dearest  friend ! 

The  Empress  has  informed  me  that  I  may  travel  to  Paris,  because  this 
could  contribute  to  the  Queen's  amusement,  especially  if  a  Dauphin 
came  to  the  world.  So  I  have  no  further  reason  to  delay.  I  beg  you, 
therefore,  to  look  round  as  soon  as  possible  and  procure  for  me  a 
decent  lodging.  Perhaps  you  will  fmd  it  with  your  friends,  of  whom 
you  spoke  last  year.  Nota  bene:  room,  food,  and  bed-linen  included. 
I  plan  to  arrive  about  the  20th.  Leave  a  note  at  the  barrier  addressed 
to  me,  so  that  I  know  where  I  can  put  up.  I  look  forward  with  all  my 
heart  to  embracing  you  soon.  With  God's  help,  we  will  have  a  good 
talk  and  divert  ourselves.  Adieu,  dearest  friend,  till  we  meet  again  soon. 

[Le  Bailly  du  Roullet  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 

in  Paris  this  nth  November  1778 
Yesterday  evening,  Monsieur,  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Gluck  written  on 
31st  October,  in  vi^hich  he  informs  me  that  he  will  arrive  in  Paris  towards  the 
20th  of  this  month,  so  we  will  be  embracing  him  in  nine  or  ten  days  from  now. 
He  adds  these  words,  which  I  copy  exactly: 

'Speak,  I  beg  of  you,  to  Mr.  Kruthoffer  so  that  he  may  find  a  suitable  lodging 
with  those  people  of  whom  he  had  spoken  last  year,  and  ask  him  to  send  the 
address  to  the  stage-post  where  I  must  enter.  I  hope  that  he  will  find  what  I  need 
bythe20th.  .  .  .' 

He  does  not  inform  me  if  he  is  arriving  with  Me  Gluck,  but  I  presume  so, 
as  I  do  not  imagine  that  they  can  remain  separated  especially  for  so  long  a  time. 
The  actors  are  negotiating  with  Mr  de  Vismes  for  the  transfer  of  his  concession. 
They  are  offering  him  twenty  thousand  francs  a  year  during  his  twelve  years' 
lease.  He  seems  shaken,  and  he  has  promised  to  give  them  a  prompt  answer.  As 
the  certainty  of  M.  Gluck's  arrival  might  make  Mr  de  Vismes  more  confused 
and  his  reply  less  favourable,  I  think  we  must  keep  completely  silent  about  the 
early  arrival  of  Mr.  Gluck  and  I  beg  you  to  keep  it  secret  from  everyone.  As  he 
informs  me  that  he  wrote  only  as  the  courier  was  arriving,  I  presume  that  he 
may  only  have  communicated  his  departure  to  me  and  in  that  case  the  actors  may 
have  de  Vimes's  reply  before  this  news  is  divulged. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  very  perfectly.  Monsieur,  your  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant 

Le  Bailly  du  Roullet 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  Kruthoffer 
secretaire  de 

Mr.  Le  Comte  de  Mercy 
en  son  Hotel 
rue  Vaugirard 
ä  Paris 


102  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[Receipt.  French] 
I  have  received  in  cash  from  Monsieur  de  Vismes  the  sum  of  two 
thousand  hvres  for  the  expenses  of  my  journey,  in  token  of  which 
this  22  February 

1779  Chevaher  Gluck. 


2000 


[Contract  with  the  Publisher  Charles  Joseph  Mathon 
DE  LA  CouR.^  French] 
I,  the  undersigned,  agree  to  having  sold  to  Monsieur  Mathon  de 
la  Cour  my  two  scores,  oflphigenie  en  Tauride  and  ofNarcisse,  on  the 
express  condition  that,  if  I  do  not  give  the  opera  Narcisse  to  the 
theatre,  I  will  return  to  him  in  money  or  in  his  bills  of  exchange  the 
value  of  the  said  opera,  agreed  between  us  to  be  two  thousand 
livres,  and  that  he  will  be  able  to  claim  no  further  compensation.  At 
Paris  this  5  th  May  1779 

Chevaher  Gluck. 

^  Charles  Joseph  Mathon  de  la  Cour  was  the  son  of  the  author, 
Jacques  Mathon  (1712-1770),  and  was  bom  in  Lyons  in  1738.  From  July 
1764  onwards  he  edited  xht  Journal  de  Musique,  which  continued  until  1778 
under  Nicolas  Framery  and  later  E.  de  Framicourt  as  the  Journal  de  Musique 
historique,  theorique  et  practique.  .  .  .  From  1775  to  1778  Mathon  edited  the 
Almanach  musical.  He  pubUshed  the  scores  ofArmide  and  Iphigenie  en  Tauride, 
as  proprietor  of  the  Bureau  du  Journal  de  Musique,  rue  Montmartre  vis-h-vis 
celle  des  Vieux  Augustins.  As  Mathon  did  not  meet  his  contractual  obUgations, 
Echo  et  Narcisse  appeared  in  178 1  with  the  firm  of  Deslauriens.  Mathon 
was  executed  in  1793  as  a  counter-revolutionary. 


[To  Queen  Marie  Antoinette.  French] 

[before  i8th  May  1779] 
Madame ! 

In  deigning  to  accept  the  homage  which  I  venture  to  offer  you, 
Your  Majesty  fulfils  all  my  wishes.  It  was  essential  to  my  happiness 
to  make  public  the  fact  that  the  operas  which  I  have  composed  to 
contribute  to  the  pleasures  of  a  nation,  of  which  Your  Majesty  is 
both  ornament  and  joy,  have  merited  the  attention  and  gained  the 
approbation  of  a  sensitive  and  enlightened  Princess,  who  loves  and 
who  protects  all  the  arts,  who,  while  applauding  all  forms  of  art. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  163 

takes  care  not  to  confuse  them,  and  who  knows  how  to  accord  each 
the  esteem  it  deserves. 

I  am  with  the  most  profound  respect, 
Your  Majesty's 
Very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 
Le  Chevaher  Gluck. 

The  above  letter  was  attached  to  the  Score  of  Iphiginie  en  Aulide  as  a 
dedication. 


[To  Wolfgang  Heribert  Freiherr  von  Dalberg.^  German] 
High-bom  Freiherr ! 

I  had  the  honour  to  receive  Your  Excellency's  most  honoured 
letter  of  14th  of  last  month:  I  had  already  read  with  much  pleasure 
the  poem  Cora  sent  to  me  by  Count  von  Seau,^  and  the  news  that 
the  author  of  it  gave  the  same  a  new  worth.  I  was  very  anxious  to  be 
able  to  accept  your  gracious  invitation  to  Mannheim,  but  as  my 
affairs  here  have  already  detained  me  beyond  the  time  fixed  for 
them,  as  soon  as  they  are  completed  I  will  have  to  start  back  to 
Vienna  by  the  shortest  route.  With  regard  to  setting  the  poem  to 
music,  it  is  important  that  I  should  first  be  fully  informed  of  Count 
von  Seau's  wishes  as  to  the  execution  of  this  piece,  of  the  talents  of 
the  singers  who  are  to  take  part  and  of  the  quality  of  their  voices. 
On  my  way  through  Munich  I  will  discuss  these  questions  with  the 
aforementioned  Count,  and  armed  with  this  knowledge  it  should 
then  be  an  easy  matter  to  decide,  by  letter  and  as  the  work  progresses, 
upon  the  alterations  and  additions  which  you  consider  necessary.  I 
regret  only  that  circumstances  deprived  me  of  the  benefit  of  a 
personal  meeting  with  Your  Excellency.  In  the  meantime  it  would 
give  me  great  pleasure  if  the  fulfilment  of  your  wishes  brought  me 
into  closer  touch  with  them  and  gave  me  more  frequent  oppor- 
tunities to  confirm  the  esteem  for  your  achievements  and  the  bound- 
less respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
Ever  Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  and  most  devoted 
Servant,  Chevaher  Gluck. 
Paris  on  the  8  th 
June  1779 

^  Wolfgang  Heribert  Freiherr  von  Dalberg  (born  13th  November 
1750,  died  27th  September  1806)  was  Intendant  of  the  Mannheim  National 


1 64  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

Theatre.  His  Cora  must  have  been  based  on  J.  F.  Marmontel's  Les  Incas 
ou  la  destruction  de  VEmpire  de  Perou,  which  inspired  Johann  Gottheb  Nau- 
mann's  opera,  Cora  (text  by  Gudmund  Goran  von  Adlerbeth).  Before  Gluck 
declined,  Dalberg  had  approached  Mozart,  who  wrote  to  him  on  24th 
November  1778  that  he  did  not  wish  to  compose  it,  and  finally  to  Anton 
Schweitzer  (173 5-1787),  who  also  declined  to  set  it  to  music. 
2  Joseph  Anton  Count  von  Seeau  was  Intendant  of  the  Munich  Opera 
from  1753  to  1799. 


[To  Madame  Depuis.^  French] 
I  had  no  doubt,  Madame,  when  I  presented  you  to  M.  de  Vismes 
and  he  suggested  that  you  should  sing  two  days  later  in  Iphigenie  en 
Tauride,  that  you  would  be  a  success  and  that  the  pubhc  would  press 
for  you  to  be  admitted  to  the  Opera.  The  event  and  the  pubhc  have 
both  ratified  my  opinion  on  the  first  point,  and  it  seems  to  me 
that  your  admission  should  of  necessity  follow.  Considering  how 
very  useful  you  would  be  there,  I  do  not  know  for  what  reason  you 
could  be  excluded,  but  I  owe  it  to  you  to  say  and  to  make  public 
that,  in  so  far  as  voice,  method,  intelligence  and  sensibility  are  con- 
cerned, you  lack  nothing  to  merit  and  to  obtain  the  most  enthusiastic 
applause.  I  will  add  to  this  the  especial  esteem  in  which  I  hold  your 
person  and  your  character  and  with  which  I  am, 

Madame, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Signed,  Chevalier  Gluck. 

Paris,  this  6th  October,  1779. 

^  Nothing  further  is  known  of  Madame  Depuis,  who  sang  the  title  role 
three  times  in  Iphigenie  en  Tauride  when  it  was  revived  in  September  1779. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris  on  i6th  November  1779] 

Vienna,  31st  October  1779 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  am  extremely  obliged  to  you  for  all  the  trouble  I  cause  you, 
but  we  are  not  yet  dead,  and  who  knows  when  one  of  us  can  do  the 
other  a  favour  in  this  world;  but  I  alone  am  the  debtor.  I  hope  the 
other  changes  will  also  be  made,  but  I  beg  you  to  urge  Mr  Matton 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  165 

to  complete  the  score  soon  and  to  send  nie  a  copy  at  once,  for  I 
would  like  to  present  Eclio  here.^  Send  us  as  much  news  of  the  theatre 
as  you  can  scrape  together,  for  it  amuses  my  wife,  Mr  Janson,  who 
sends  you  his  best  regards,  and  me.  Mr  Cahn  wishes  to  be  remem- 
bered to  you  and  to  H.  v.  Blumendorff.  I  beg  you  also  to  give  him 
my  regards  as  also  to  all  good  friends.  My  wife  and  I  would  hke  to 
thank  Mr  Marchand  for  the  music  he  sent.  The  courier  is  leaving, 
so  I  am  pressed.  I  remain  ever  your  devoted  friend  and  servant  Gluck. 
PS.  We  have  made  the  fmest  journey  in  the  world. 

^  The  performance  of  Echo  et  Narcisse  planned  by  Gluck  in  Vienna 
did  not  materialize. 


[To  Gersin.^  French] 

Vienna,  30th  November  1779 
Monsieur, 

I  am  very  sensible  of  the  honour  you  pay  me  in  sending  me  a  plan 
of  a  tragedy  for  me  to  set  to  music.  I  fmd  it  well  suited  to  the  pro- 
duction of  great  effects,  but  you  doubtless  do  not  know  that  I  will 
write  no  more  operas  and  that  my  career  has  come  to  an  end.  My 
age  and  the  disgust  I  experienced  recently  in  Paris  concerning  my 
opera  Narcisse^  have  robbed  me  for  ever  of  any  desire  to  write 
others.  It  would,  however,  be  a  pity  if  you  did  not  fmish  your  work, 
for  you  will  surely  fmd  musicians  of  great  merit  in  Paris  who  will  be 
able  to  satisfy  you  in  everything  you  desire.  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
with  much  esteem, 

Monsieur, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant, 
Gluck. 


^  The  VaudeviUist  Gersin  is  held  up  to  ridicule  in  Menegaut's  Martyriologie 
littiraire  (Paris  1816) :  'M.  Annee  et  M.  Gersin  sont  associes  depuis  longtemps 
pour  les  succes  et  pour  les  chutes. 

En  revenant  sur  son  traversin 
Aux  admirables  plans  de  son  compHce  Armee, 

II  trace  des  couplets,  cet  immortel  Gersin, 
Qui  ne  vivent  pas  une  annee.' 

^  Echo  et  Narcisse,  Gluck's  last  opera,  had  its  premiere  in  Paris  on  24th 
September  1779, 

C.G.-M 


1 66  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer' s  handwriting : 
RepHed  Paris  on  13th  and  i6th  December  1779] 

Vienna,  30th  November  1779 
My  dearest  KJruthofFerle ! 

You  become  more  kind-hearted  with  every  day  that  passes.  My 
wife,  Cahn  and  I  embrace  you  fondly,  and  we  are  always  dehghted 
to  read  your  letters.  Just  remain  as  you  are  and  send  us  all  the  theatre 
news.  The  Mathon  affair  I  commend  to  your  well-tried  efficiency. 
I  must  see  if  I  can  succeed  in  finding  you  a  position  as  Court  Coun- 
sellor here,  then  things  would  hum. 

1  beg  you  to  send  me  by  courier :  chest  tablets^  from  Sr.  Archbald, 
Enghsh  doctor,  two  boxes  at  24  sous  each.  You  will  take  the  neces- 
sary money  from  what  I  stand  to  receive  either  from  Mathon  or  from 
the  pension.^  The  tablets  are  to  be  had  at  the  following  address :  le 
Brun,  au  depot  general,  Marchand  Epicier,  rue  Dauphine  aux  armes 
d'Angleterre,  Magazine  de  Provence  et  de  Montpellier,  Hotel  de 
Momy.  Our  best  regards  to  H.  v.  Blumendorff.  Adieu,  dearest 
friend,  I  remain  ever  yours. 

^  'Tablettes  pectorales'  are  frequently  mentioned,  in  literature  and  take 
many  different  forms.  Sometimes  they  consisted  of  ammonium  chloride 
and  licorice,  at  other  times  of  marshmallow,  sugar  and  tragacanth  gum. 
This  second  recipe  is  given  in  the  Formules  de  Medicamens  (Paris,  1767,  pp. 
227  and  459)  with  the  assurance  that  the  pills  reheve  persistent  coughing 
and  with  a  reminder  that  each  pill  should  be  allowed  to  melt  in  the  mouth. 
There  is  no  reference,  either  here  or  in  any  of  the  biographical  works  of 
reference,  to  Archbald  or  Archibald.  These  eighteenth-century  'tablettes' 
were  not  pills  in  the  modem  sense  but  pastilles  or  morsuli,  which  were  either 
produced  cold  from  mucus  or  were  boiled  with  sugar. 

2  In  August  1774  Marie  Antoinette  had  granted  Gluck  an  annual  pension 
of  6,000  livres  and  a  payment  of  the  same  amount  for  each  new  work 
{Mhnoires  secretes,  VII,  p.  209). 


[Baron  von  Tschudi  to  Kruthoffer.  French] 
M.  le  Baron  de  Tschoudi  [sic]  has  the  honour  to  send  Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
a  revised  copy  of  the  opera  Echo  et  Narcisse.  He  begs  him  to  have  it  sent  by  the 
next  courier  to  M.  le  Chevalier  Gluck,  and  to  join  with  him  and  M.  le  Bailli  du 
Rolle  [sic]  in  urging  him  to  abide  by  these  alterations,  a  task  which  will  not  cause 
him  much  difficulty  and  will  ensure  a  favourable  reception  for  his  latest  work  at 
its  second  performance.  Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer  can  also  point  out  to  Iiim  that, 
as  the  opera  no  longer  begins  with  the  aria  'Rien  dans  la  nature',^  there  is  nothing 
to  prevent  him  from  strengthening  or  altering  the  Overture,  with  which,  I  under- 
stand from  M.  de  Kruthoffer,  he  is  not  satisfied.  M.  le  Baron  dc  Tschoudi  begs 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghick  167 

him  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  his  packet  and  also  has  the  honour  to  inform  him 
that  M.  le  Bailli  du  Rolle  was  very  pleased  with  the  alterations.  He  has  the  honour 
to  send  his  greetings  and  to  assure  him  of  all  his  sentiments — 

Paris  6th  December  1779. 

^  Amor's  aria  'Rien  dans  la  nature'  comes  in  the  prologue  in  the  new 
arrangement  of  the  engraved  score;  it  is  preceded  by  the  female  chorus 
*A  I'ombre  de  ces  bois  epais',  which  originally  formed  the  beginning  of 
the  third  act. 

[Baron  von  Tschudi  to  Kruthoffer.  French] 

Paris,  13  th  December  1779 
Mr.  de  Tschoudi  is  most  grateful  to  Monsieur  Kruthoffer  for  the  obliging 
note  which  he  sent  him.  He  has  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Gluck's  well-founded  con- 
fidence in  his  friendship  and  his  counsel  will  decide  him  to  devote  himself  to  the 
modest  amount  of  work  required  by  our  corrections.  He  begs  him  to  have  the 
goodness  to  pass  this  letter  to  him  as  soon  as  possible.  He  also  has  the  honour 
to  inform  him  that  rumours  of  a  new  direction  under  Mr  Berton^  are  still 
circulating  and  that  Mr  de  Caumartin^  spoke  to  Tschoudi  yesterday  of  the 
alterations  in  Echo  et  Narcisse.  He  enquired  of  him  if  this  would  present  difficulties 
and  was  told  in  reply  that  only  two  rehearsals  would  be  necessary  and  that  it 
would  not  cost  a  sou;  it  seems,  therefore,  that  a  second  performance  is  envisaged. 
I  have  had  no  reply  from  Mad.  de  la  Ferte,^  to  whom  I  wrote  begging  her  to 
join  with  us  in  our  approach  to  M  Gluck.  Mr  de  Tschoudi  begs  Monsieur 
Kruthoffer  to  accept  his  sincere  assurances  of  the  highest  esteem  and  of  his  attach- 
ment, 

^  The  most  likely  successor  to  de  Vismes,  whose  position  was  seriously 
threatened,  was  his  predecessor,  Berton. 

2  The  Parisian  merchant  de  Caumartin,  'prevot  des  marchands',  was 
involved  in  the  administration  of  the  Opera.  On  the  King's  order,  he  had 
tried  to  settle  the  disputes  between  de  Vismes  and  the  singers  [Memoires 
seaites,  XIII,  p.  315 ;  15th  March  1779). 

^  Marie-Therese  de  la  Ferte-Imbault  (1715-1791)  was  a  daughter 
of  Mme  Marie-Therese  Geoffrin,  nie  Rodet,  who  was  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  women  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Her  daughter  was  crowned 
'Queen  of  the  Order  of  Lanturelus'  [Correspondance  littiraire,  XI,  p.  366-Xin, 
p.  258)  and  belonged  to  the  circle  aroimd  Friedrich  Melchior  Grimm  (1723- 
1807)  and  the  Marquis  Marc  Antoine  Nicolay  de  Croismare,  Baron  von 
Lasson  (i  694-1 772). 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  17th  January  1780] 

Vienna,  31st  December  1779 
My  wife,  Calin  and  I  wish  you,  dearest  friend,  and  also  Herr  v. 
BlumendorfF,  everything  imaginable  for  the  New  Year,  and  to  all 
our  good  friends,  but  I  cannot  send  your  New  Year  present  by  this 


i68  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

courier,  for  I  have  only  just  received  your  letters.  It  will  not  fail  to 
reach  you  next  month,  however,  because  you  deserve  it  for  the  way 
you  collect  and  send  us  a  true  supply  of  news.  I  have  given  H.  Bailly 
de  Roullet  the  commission  to  have  the  'Hymne  ä  I'amour'^  copied  on 
small  paper  and  to  send  it  by  the  first  courier  without  fail,  because 
Mr  Janson  needs  it  for  his  'Concert  de  benefice'.  Look  into  this  and 
see  that  it  does  not  go  awry,  for  it  could  land  him  in  the  soup.  As 
regards  the  Narcisse  of  Baron  Tschoudi,  I  am  prepared  to  adjust^  it, 
but  I  must  at  all  costs  have  the  score.  Tell  him  to  send  me  the 
written  one  by  courier  and  I  will  return  it  corrected;  I  must  see  that 
the  tones  harmonize,  which  I  cannot  do  without  the  score.  Con- 
cerning M.  Mathon,  you  must  press  for  payment  in  every  possible 
way,  for  I  have  transferred  this  debt  to  Baron  Fries,  at  whose  dis- 
position it  is  in  Paris.  I  would  not  for  anything  in  the  world  have  him 
harbouring  suspicions  about  me,  so  I  beg  you  to  give  your  closest 
attention  to  this  affair.  Please  tell  Mr  de  Vismes  that  I  thank  him 
for  his  communication  and  will  thank  him  in  writing  as  soon  as 
possible.  Your  news  of  the  theatre  is  very  remarkable.  Please  con- 
tinue, for  you  do  not  know  how  grateful  my  wife  is  to  you  for  this ; 
you  relate  everything  with  a  certain  'sale  attico'.  But  I  must  not 
praise  you  too  much;  I  will  only  say  that  I  consider  myself  happy  to 
be  ever  your  true  friend  and  servant.  Adieu,  eher  ami !  All  in  haste ! 

^  The  'Hymne  k  l' amour'  is  the  final  chorus  'Le  Dieu  de  Paphos  et  de  Gnide' 
firoin  Echo  et  Narcisse.  It  was  the  only  piece  ia  the  opera  that  won  universal 
applause  and,  when  the  work  was  revived  on  8th  August  1780,  the  pubhc 
called  for  it  da  capo  [Memoires  secretes,  XV,  p.  258).  Gluck  required  the  hymn 
for  a  benefit  concert  by  Janson,  who  shortly  before,  on  21st  December 
1779,  had  figured  at  the  Vienna  'Tonkünstler  Societät'  as  'Kammervirtuose 
des  Prinzen  Conti'  with  a  'cello  concerto.  The  main  work  of  the  evening  was 
the  oratorio  Die  Israeliten  in  der  Wüste,  by  Maximilian  Ulbricht  (1752-18 14). 
2  The  failure  o£  Echo  et  Narcisse  was  due  largely  to  the  poor  libretto.  'The 
Chevaher's  supporters  blame  the  failure  chiefly  on  the  Baron  de  Tschudi's 
poem.  It  is  true  that  it  is  not  possible  to  read  inferior  words.  The  stilted, 
precious,  nonsensical  stjde  of  this  poet  is  carried  to  an  unprecedented  degree,' 
say  the  Memo/re55efreto(XrV,  p.  191),  30th  September  1779.  Baron  von  Tschudi 
therefore  decided  to  make  a  drastic  revision  of  the  book  and  sought,  through 
Kruthoffer,  to  obtain  the  composer's  consent. 


[To  Jacob  Freiherr  von  Goutard,  1779.  French] 
Gluck  has  the  honour  to  advise  M.  de  Goutard  that  here  in 
Vienna  no  opera  is  sold  in  the  French  language,  only  Alceste  and 
Paris  et  Helene  in  ItaHan;  your  correspondent  will  easily  obtain  the 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  169 

operas  he  wishes  in  Paris :  Iphigenie  en  Aulide,  Alceste  and  Orfee,  from 
M.  Marchand,  rue  Grainelle-St-Honore,  Iphigenie  en  Tauride  from 
M.  Mathon  at  his  shop,  where  he  will  also  fmd  Armide,  perhaps  the 
best  of  my  works,  which  well  deserves  to  belong  to  your  friend's 
collection. 

The  same  M.  Mathon  has  the  sole  right  to  engrave  Echo  et 
Narcisse.  He  wiU  know  from  him  whether  the  opera  will  soon  be  on 
sale  to  the  pubhc. 

[From  Claude  Joseph  Dorat^  to  Gluck.  French] 

A.  M.  Gluck 

Sending  him  an  imitation  in  verse  ofDrydens 
Ode  on  the  power  of  music. 

Le  Spartiste  belliqueux 
Respiroit  les  combats  ä  la  voix  de  Tyrtee; 
Alexandre  soumis  dependoit,  dans  ses  voeux. 

De  I'Art  savant  de  Timothee. 
Ta  chaleur,  tes  elans,  tes  traits  vifs  &  profonds 
Ont  de  cet  Art  dans  toi  reveille  la  puissance ; 

Le  froid  mechanisme  des  sons 

A  fait  place  ä  leur  eloquence. 
Il  nous  faut  des  tableaux,  &  non  pas  des  chansons. 
Par  la  terreur  tu  consternes  mon  äme; 

Tu  ramollis  par  la  pitie; 
L'amour  ä  tes  accens  communique  sa  flamme; 
Tu  fais  tonner  la  rage  ou  gemir  I'amitie.  .  .  . 
La  Musique  est  parfois  soeur  de  la  Poesie, 
Et  la  scene  lyrique,  avec  etonnement, 
Voit  enfin  de  nos  jours,  grace  ä  ton  energie, 

L'auguste  &  sombre  Tragedie, 
Sans  madrigaux  notes,  exprimer  son  tourment. 
Trop  foible  pour  te  suivre  en  ta  marche,  hardie. 
Loin,  de  nous  I'automate  ä  ses  calculs  borne, 
Qui  sous  les  lois  d'Euclide  enchmia  Polymnie ! 

C'est  dans  un  coeur  passionne 

Que  tu  puisas  ton  Harmonie. 
Bien  sentir,  c'est  creer,  crois-mio  triomphe  en  paix, 

Quand  I'ignorance  te  dechire. 
Eh!  quels  raisonnemens  opposer  au  delire? 
Le  grand  homme  attaque  repond  par  ses  succes, 
Et  I'envie  est  punie  au  moment  quelle  admire. 
Poursuis;  que  sa  fureur  ajoute  ä  ton  repos. 
Quand  la  gloire  est  au  comble,  il  faut  bien  qu'on  I'expie. 

L'enthousiasme  ou  la  haine  des  sots 

Sont  les  deux  malheurs  du  genie. 
M.  Dorat 


lyo  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

^  Claude  Joseph  Dorat  (1734-1780),  after  abandoning  a  military  career, 
had  turned  to  poetry.  He  was  very  prolific  but  produced  no  important 
works. 

Concerning  the  revision  o£Echo  et  Narcisse,  KruthofFer  had  in  the  mean- 
time received  the  following  letters  from  Baron  von  Tschudi: 


[Baron  von  Tschudi  to  Kruthoffer,  French] 

Paris,  rue  St.  Dominique.  .  .  . 
29th  December  1779 
The  Baili  du  Roullet,  Monsieur,  with  whom  I  am  at  present  on  intimate 
terms  as  a  result  of  his  frank  and  honest  dealings  with  me  and  the  necessity  to 
work  closely  together  against  M.  Gluck's  enemies,  has  just  informed  me  that  in  his 
latest  letter  he  has  urged  my  friend  to  make  haste  with  his  corrections,  I  ask  you  as 
a  favour  also  to  write  to  him  and  to  insist  upon  the  following  points : 

1.  that  he  should  write  to  M.  de  Caumartin  and  Mr  de  Vismes  to  say  that  he 
would  like  at  all  costs  to  have  Mile  la  Guerre  for  the  revised  production,  which 
is  not  merely  a  repeat  performance  but  in  his  case  a  new  work,  so  that  one  takes 
whoever  one  w^ishes.  La  Beaumenyl(  !)^  cannot  assert  her  contract  rights,  which, 
moreover,  she  forfeited  by  her  unworthy  behaviour.  La  Guerre  knows  the  part, 
so  it  is  for  her  to  take  it. 

2.  that  the  new  arias  which  have  been  added  should  be  given  their  full  value 
as  songs;  I  wrote  the  words  expressly  for  that  purpose.  This  part  must  be  made  into 
something  brilhant  and  outstanding.  In  the  original  my  words  were  written  to  be 
declaimed,  and  Gluck  did  not  fail  to  conform  to  this,  but  here  we  have  a  song  that 
requires  development.  Insist  also  that  he  takes  the  utmost  care  to  revise  his  overture. 
Spare  no  effort,  I  beg  and  ask  of  you  as  a  friend,  Monsieur,  to  see  that  he  does  this 
work  with  taste  and  extreme  care.  The  more  his  enemies  howl  for  his  blood,  the 
greater  the  need  to  crush  them  with  this  fmal  triumph.  Abbe  Amaud  and  other 
cowardly  friends  will  blush  with  shame  at  having  abandoned  us.  You  saw. 
Monsieur,  how  successful  the  repeat  performance  was,  in  spite  of  the  second  cast 
and  the  beginners. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  true  attachment,  Monsieur,  your  very  humble 
and  very  obedient  servant, 

Le  B[a]ron  de  Tschoudi. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  Kruthoffer 
Secretaire  de  I'ambassade 
de  Vienna,  ä  I'hotel 
S.  Excell.  Mons.  I'ambassadeur 
Boulevard  au  bout  de 
la  rue  Richelieu. 

^Henriette  Adelaide  Villars  (Beaumesnil)  wasbominParis  onsist 
August  1758.  She  made  her  first  stage  appearance  as  an  actress  at  the  age  of 
seven.  Later  she  became  a  singer  and  was  particularly  successful  in  Iphiginie 
en  Aulide.  Although  she  had  not  a  great  voice,  she  was  an  extremely  accom- 


of  Christoph  WiUihaU  Gluck  171 

plished  actress  and  was  very  musical.  She  was  also  the  first  'Echo',  a  part 
which  she  had  to  hand  over  to  La  Guerre  afi:er  only  three  performances 
{MefnoiressecretesXlll,p.  287).  For  health  reasons,  she  retired  firom  the  stage  on 
1st  May  1781  with  a  pension  of  1,500  francs,  and  married  a  certain  Philipp, 
who  was  in  the  service  of  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy.  She  began  composing, 
and  wrote  music  for  Tihulle  et  Delie  (text  by  Fugelier)  and  the  opera  Plain, 
c'est  commander.  She  died  in  1803  in  Paris. 


[Baron  von  Tschudi  to  Kruthoffer.  French] 

Paris,  4th  January  1780  in  the  evening. 
I  learn  by  letter  from  the  Bailli,  my  dear  Monsieur  Kruthoffer,  that,  following 
his  first  letter,  M.  Gluck  has  decided  to  make  all  the  changes  immediately  which 
we  asked  for  in  his  opera  Echo ;  as  soon  as  he  has  received  the  three  acts,  he  will 
write  the  music.  I  believe  this  piece  of  good  news  will  please  us,  if  you  have  not 
already  heard  it. 

You  see,  dear  maestro,  that  it  will  be  easy  for  you  to  slip  our  ideas  across  to 
him  gradually,  gently  and  in  a  moderate  way.  The  affair  is  in  good  hands ;  do  not 
overlook  anything.  Your  ideas  on  the  part  o£  Echo  are  very  sound;  it  will  be 
necessary,  as  death  approaches,  to  quicken  the  action  from  time  to  time,  and  in 
some  places  too  tragic  passages  will  have  to  be  dropped.  The  grief  of  a  nymph  is 
not  like  that  of  an  Artemis;  he  must  put  in  arias,  which  should  be  an  easy  matter, 
for  I  have  given  him  three  new  ones. 

As  regards  the  part  of  Cynire,  such  is  the  insolence  of  Mr.  le  Gros,  who  always 
ruins  it,  and  the  inadequacy  of  his  understudies,  that  I  am  almost  convinced  of  the 
need  to  make  it  a  baritone  part  for  Arrivee  or  a  tenor  part  for  Moreau.^  I  find 
that  there  are  many  light  passages  in  this  work,  so  that  a  certain  amount  of  shade 
would  provide  an  attractive  contrast.  I  put  these  ideas  to  you;  spare  no  effort  to 
induce  our  great  maestro  to  make  his  work  as  perfect  as  he  possibly  can.  I  can 
already  see  that  the  theme  will  inspire  him  to  perform  miracles.  Please  accept, 
Monsieur,  these  fresh  assurances  of  the  devotion  with  which  I  have  the  honour 
to  be  you  very  humble  servant 

Le  B[a]ron  de  Tschoudi. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  Kruthoffer 

Secretaire  de  I'embassade 

de  Vienne,  chez  son  Excellence 

Mr  rAmbassad[eu]r  de  LL  Majest[e]s 

imperiales  et  royales 

Boulevard  Richelieu. 

^  The  singer  Moreau  was  not  a  tenor  but  a  bass.  He  had  sung  the  part  of 
Thoas  in  Iphigenie  en  Tauride.  Did  von  Tschudi  make  a  mistake  or  had 
Moreau  adapted  the  part?  Cynire  remained  a  tenor  part,  which,  when  the 
opera  was  re-presented,  was  transferred  to  the  young  singer.  Lays  [Memoires 
secretes,  XVIII,  p.  3 1). 


172  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[To  Heribert  Freiherr  von  Dalberg.  French] 

Vienna,  iptli  January  1780 
Monsieur  le  Comte, 

I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  v^rrite 
to  me.  I  read  with  pleasure  the  opera  you  were  kind  enough  to  send 
me,  but,  as  I  do  not  know  any  persons  who  might  execute  it,  I  could 
not  agree  to  compose  the  music.  As  soon  as  I  have  finished  the 
opera  I  am  arranging  here,  of  which  I  had  the  honour  of  speaking 
with  you,  it  will  give  me  pleasure  to  communicate  with  you  and  we 
wiU  have  a  further  discussion. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  greatest  respect, 
Monsieur  le  Comte, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 
Christoph  Gluck. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  31st  January  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

1  am  obhged  to  you  for  your  news  of  the  theatre.  Do  but  contiuue 
to  ply  me  with  it.  I  send  you  enclosed  the  song  you  asked  for  ;^  go  on 
working  with  me.  I  will  not  write  to  H.  v.  Comartin  [Caumartin]. 
If  they  want  me  to  make  alterations,  then  they  must  ask  me  for 
them.  I  am  quite  indifferent  to  applause  or  criticism  in  Paris.  As  far 
as  the  Marmontel  gang  are  concerned,  I  can  only  refer  them  to  the 
Dunciade  of  Mr.  Palissot  f  there  they  will  find  what  their  General  is 
worth — he  has  answered  for  me  and  his  answer  will  last  for  ever. 

As  regards  the  Mathon  affair,  I  pray  you  write  to  him  yourself 
again  and  ask  whether  he  is  prepared  to  pay  or  not,  otherwise  it  will 
be  his  own  fault  if  he  becomes  unhappy,  and  you  can  then  let  things 
take  their  course.  Many  greetings  from  my  wife,  from  Janson  and 
Calin,  to  you  and  the  whole  house  and  all  good  friends.  Do  not  take 
it  amiss  that  I  write  such  a  short  letter;  I  am  not  at  all  well.  But  I  am 
and  remain  ever  your  true  friend  and  servant 

Gluck. 

^  Whether  the  song  in  question  was  one  of  Klopstock's  odes  or  one  of  the 

two  ariettas  'Amour  en  ces  heux '  and  'Quand  la  beaute  lance ' 

(Hopkinson,  Nos.  60  and  61)  is  not  known. 

2  Charles  Palissot  de  Montenoy  (1730-1814)  was  a  well-known 
opponent  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau,  Voltaire  and  the  Encyclopaedists.  The 
title  of  his  work  was  taken  from  Alexander  Pope's  Dunciad. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  1 73 

[To  Grand  Duke  Carl  August  von  Sachsen-Weimar.^ 

German] 
Most  Serene  Duke, 
Most  Gracious  Herr ! 

At  the  time  I  received.  Your  Serene  Higliness's  gracious  letter,  I  had 
fallen  victim  to  a  mortal  sickness.  Your  letter  was  filled  with  so  many 
tender  and  moving  expressions  [of  sympathy],  that  it  contributed 
greatly  to  my  recovery,  and,  when  I  was  again  in  a  position  to 
communicate  my  most  profound  gratitude  to  Your  Highness,  the 
newspapers  told  me  that  Your  Serene  Highness  had  set  out  on  a 
journey.  As  I  have  now  learnt,  however,  of  your  happy  return,  I 
can  no  longer  delay  in  telling  Your  Highness  that  never  can  music 
combined  with  the  fmest  poetry  have  made  such  a  powerful  impres- 
sion upon  any  man's  heart  as  this  most  treasured  letter  upon  mine. 

I  have  now  become  very  old  and  have  lavished  upon  the  French 
nation  most  of  my  spiritual  powers,  notwithstanding  which  I  still 
feel  an  inner  urge  in  me  to  accompHsh  something  for  my  nation,  and 
I  am  filled  with  a  burning  desire  to  be  able  to  hum  something 
German  to  Your  Serene  Highness  before  my  end,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  express  to  you  my  gratitude  and  indebtedness  for  your 
gracious  feelings  for  me.  Until  then  I  beg  Your  Serene  Highness  to 
accept  my  deepest  respect,  with  which  I  will  ever  remain, 
Most  Serene  Duke, 
Your  Serene  Highness's 
Most  humble 
Gluck  mp. 
Vienna  10  February  1780 

1  Karl  August  Grand  Duke  of  Sachsen- Weimar  was  bom  on  3rd 
September  1757,  became  Grand  Duke  in  1815  and  died  on  nth  June  1828. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  17th  March  1780] 

Vienna,  2nd  March  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

Hardly  has  the  courier  arrived  when  I  must  immediately  reply, 
because  the  other  is  despatched  again.  I  am  glad  that  the  little  song 
I  sent  you  gives  you  pleasure ;  the  Klopstock  Odes^  will  also  follow 
in  good  time.  This  letter  consists  entirely  of  commissions,  for  which 


174  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

I  beg  your  forgiveness  in  advance.  Firstly,  please  to  tell  Baron 
Tshudi  that,  if  he  wants  me  to  arrange  his  opera,  he  must  send  me 
the  score  by  the  next  courier,  for  the  words  he  sends  me  1  have  sent 
him  myself.  If  I  once  start  on  something  else,  the  old  stuff  is  left 
lying.  Secondly,  ask  Mr  de  la  Parte^  for  the  poem,  which  belongs 
to  Mr  Millicent,^  and  act  as  if  I  had  sent  it  to  you  from  Vienna,  and 
give  it  to  him  instead  of  mine.  Thirdly,  enquire  of  Mr  de  la  Parte 
where  the  nuns  live  who  make  the  httle  candles  to  bum  in  the  lamp — 
they  cost  24  sous  a  box — and  send  them  to  me  by  courier.  You  will 
earn  a  miniature  paintiug  from  Mme.  Gluck,  who  sends  her  kindest 
regards.  That  is  all  for  now.  Do  not  forget  Mathon.  Adieu,  dearest 
friend.  Our  regards  to  H.  v.  Blumendorffand  all  our  good  friends.  I 
would  like  the  opera  Atys^  to  be  well  received,  so  that  I  am  left  in 
peace. 

^  Gluck's  music  for  the  Klopstock  Odes  first  appeared  in  the  Göttinger 
Musenalmanach:  in  1774  Wir  und  Sie  and  Schlachtgesang;  in.  1775  Der  Jüngling 
(original  version)  and  Die  frühen  Gräher.  In  1785  the  well-known  Artaria 
edition  appeared  (Hopkinson,  46 a).  In  the  same  year  the  ode  Die  frühen 
Gräber  appeared  in  a  revised  version  in  the  Musenalmanach,  edited  by 
Johann  Heinrich  Voss. 

2  Abbe  Joseph  de  la  Porte,  S.J.  (1713-1779)  was  the  editor  of  the  Almanach 
des  Spectacles  de  Paris,  which  appeared  from  1750  onwards.  Gluck's  com- 
mission came  too  late,  for  the  Abbe  had  already  died  on  19th  December 
1779. 

^Jean  Gabriel  Marie  Millicent  (1747-1833)  was  the  author  of  the 
beautiful  poem  on  the  1776  Alceste:  'L'oeil  humide  des  pleurs  que  tu  m'as 
fait  verser,  O  Gluck Ij'ecrisces  vers,  enfans  demon delire.  .  .  .' 
*  Niccolo  Piccinni's  opera  Atys  (libretto  by  J.  F.  Marmontel  from  a  text  by 
Philippe  Quinault)  had  a  successful  premiere  on  22nd  February  1780.  The 
Memoires  secretes  of  12th  March  1780  contain  the  following  remark:  'The 
Chevaher  Gluck . . .  complains  of  the  lack  of  esteem  shown  for  his  works  by 
presenting  them  with  mediocre  actors ;  he  appears  reluctant  to  work  hence- 
forth for  our  Opera.  The  success  o£Atys  will  not  help  to  bring  him  back  to 
us.  .  .  .' 


[To  Charles  Palissot.  French] 

Vienna,  i8th  March  1780 
I  can  no  longer  refrain.  Monsieur,  from  expressing  to  you  the 
supreme  pleasure  I  feel  in  reading  your  works,  and  I  am  greatly 
obliged  to  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Brancas  for  having  brought  to  my 
knowledge  one  of  the  greatest  geniuses  of  France.  If  during  my 
sojourn  in  Paris  I  had  been  acquainted  with  your  comedy  Les 


of  Ch ristoph  Willibald  G luck  175 

Philosophes^  and  with  your  Dimciade,  oh,  what  good  use  I  could 
have  made  of  them  against  the  invective  of  the  Marmontels  and  their 
colleagues.  If  I  ever  return  to  Paris,  your  works  will  serve  me  as  an 
aegis  against  those  insects  of  Parnassus.  Monsieur  Janson,  the  bearer 
of  this  letter,  is  as  enchanted  as  I  am  by  your  genius  and  is  very 
desirous  of  making  your  acquaintance.  I  did  not  wish  him  to  leave 
this  country  without  taking  this  letter  with  him  and  the  occasion 
will  be  reckoned  amongst  the  most  agreeable  of  his  life.  I  beg  you 
never  to  doubt  the  esteem  you  have  inspired  in  me.  I  am,  with 
'perfacto'  perfect  respect 

Monsieur 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient 
Servant  Gluck. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  Palissot 
en  sa  maison, 
ä  Paris. 

^  Palissot's  comedy  L«  Philosophes  had  appeared  in  Paris  in  1760. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  i6th  April  1780] 

Vienna,  31st  March  1780 
Dearest  friend, 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  little  lights  [candles]  and  for  the  news. 
This  makes  it  much  easier  for  me  to  forget  Paris,  for  I  know  every- 
thing that  goes  on  there.  Just  carry  on  with  your  letters;  a  letter 
always  travels  with  the  courier.  I  can  well  do  without  Mr.  de  la 
Blancherie's  gazette^  and  you  must  send  me  no  more.  If  you  wish  to 
have  your  expenses  paid,  then  make  a  neat  and  tidy  job  of  collecting 
from  my  creditors.  I  have  fmally  received  the  score  o£  Echo  and 
everything  will  be  fmished  by  the  end  of  April.^  That  I  myself, 
however,  should  again  come  to  Paris,  nothing  will  come  of  this  so 
long  as  the  words  Piccinnist  and  Gluckist  are  still  used,  for,  thank 
God,  I  am  now  healthy  again  and  have  no  wish  to  spew  any  more 
gall  in  Paris.  It  is  difficult;  the  courier  has  barely  arrived  before  he  is 
off  again.  Adieu,  dearest  friend !  Our  regards  to  H.  v.  Blumendorff, 


1 76  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

who  wrote  me  an  incomparably  handsome  tribute  which  I  have  not 
yet  been  able  to  answer,  and  to  all  good  friends. 

Your  most  devoted 
Gluck. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  KruthofFer 
chez  S.E.M.  Amb.  Imp.  Royal  .  .  . 
ä  Paris 

^  The  Parisian  writer  de  la  Blancherie,  who  had  adopted  the  title  of 
'Agent  general  de  la  correspondance  pour  les  sciences  et  les  arts',  had  been 
publishing  a  periodical,  Nouvelks  de  la  republique  des  lettres  et  des  arts,  since 
early  1779  [Memoires secretes,  XIII,  p.  275,  and  XIV,  p.  287) 
^  The  passage  in  the  letter,  'Everything  will  be  finished  by  the  end  of 
April',  proves  that  the  version  of  the  work  in  the  engraved  score  was  Gluck's 
own  work  and  that  Tiersot's  view  to  the  contrary  is  not  tenable.  The  letters 
quoted  here  provide  the  'preuves  positives'  which  Tiersot  sought  in  vain ! 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  29th  April  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

It  is  truly  a  wretched  business;  barely  has  one  time  to  read  the 
letters  through  before  the  answer  has  to  be  ready;  one  must  perforce 
be  laconic.  I  am  not  hkely  to  be  talked  into  becoming  once  more  an 
object  of  criticism  or  praise  by  the  French  nation,  for  they  are  as 
changeable  as  fire.  If  it  should  happen,  then  it  would  have  to  be  very 
comfortable,  for  idleness  is  now  my  sole  pleasure. 

Wait  a  little  longer  until  the  time  set  by  Mr  Mathon  for  pay- 
ment. It  is  as  well  that  he  has  not  yet  had  the  score  engraved,  be- 
cause, under  the  new  arrangement,  the  work  wiU  not  come  out  so 
well.  Besides,  when  one  buys  something,  one  must  know  whether 
it  will  turn  out  'a  conto'  or  not,  and  the  agreement  must  be  kept.^ 

It  is  true  that,  because  Mr  Mathon  has  failed  to  pay,  I  have  had  to 
send  quittances  to  M.  Rilliet^  in  order  to  satisfy  Baron  Fries,  for  whom 
I  had  intended  the  1,000  livres,  in  order  to  discharge  a  certain  debt. 

The  affair  of  the  portrait  made  me  truly  angry.  The  French  seek 
every  excuse  to  plague  themselves  or  others.  The  portrait  could  not 
be  put  in  the  bracelet,  because  it  was  too  big,  and  it  was  too  small  to 
hang  up  f  the  copy  we  have  had  made  takes  its  place.  It  would  have 
been  a  pity  if  the  painting  had  merely  remained  in  a  box.  It  is  now 
in  good  hands  and  many  people  wül  fmd  pleasure  in  seeing  it  in  a 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  177 

place  where  the  original  is  loved  by  the  pubhc.  hi  this  affair  I  am  hke 
the  lamb  in  the  fable.  Madame  Gluck  sends  her  fondest  wishes ;  our 
regards  to  all  good  friends.  I  need  no  more  packages;  it  is  all  nothing 
but  poetry.  Your  pleasant  letters  are  enough  for  me.  Adieu,  dearest 
friend,  farewell. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
chez  S.  Ex.  M.  L' Ambassadeur  Imp.  et  Roy. 

a 
Paris 

^  Gluck  had  the  same  unhappy  experience  with  the  publisher  Matron  de 
LA  CouR  as  previously  with  Le  Marchand.  Work  on  the  engraving  of  the 
Echo  score  had  not  yet  started;  apparently,  after  the  setback  suffered  by  the 
opera,  Mathon  tried  to  withdraw  from  his  contract.  Somehow  or  other  he 
must  have  succeeded,  in  fact,  for  the  score  appeared  in  1781  'chez  des 
Lauriers  M[archan]d  des  papiers,  rue  St.  Honore  ä  cote  de  celle  des  Prou- 
vaires'.  Baron  von  Tschudi  mentions  this  in  his  Memoire  of  August  1781,  in 
which  he  suggests  to  the  Minister  Amelot  that  the  work  should  be  produced 
again:  '  .  .  .  the  score  having  been  engraved  and  selling  at  Deslauriers', 
near  the  rue  des  Prouveres,  the  public  is  thereby  reminded  of  the  importance 
one  must  attach  to  this  work'.  Tschudi's  efforts  were  not  in  vain:  the  opera 
was  once  more  included  in  the  programme  on  31st  August  1781  and  at  last 
received  the  recognition  it  deserved  {Memoires  secretes,  XVIII,  p.  31).  As  the 
Opera  House  was  burnt  down  on  8  th  June — during  a  performance  of 
Gluck's  Orphee — the  production  took  place  in  the  small  hall  of  the  Menus- 
plaisirs  du  Roi. 

2  RiLLiET  was  presumably  a  Parisian  banker;  nothing  further  is  known  of 
him, 
^  No  trace  has  been  found  of  this  portrait. 


[To  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock.  German] 

Vienna,  loth  May  1780 
This  is  to  inform  you,  dearest  friend,  that  Herr  Schroter  was 
given  a  very  good  reception  here  both  by  the  Court  and  by  the 
public.  And  he  deserves  it,  for  he  is  truly  a  quite  unusual  and  very 
natural  actor.  I  do  not  doubt  that  he  will  be  very  satisfied  with  Vienna. 
You  are  constantly  reproaching  me  for  not  having  sent  you  any 
explanation  as  to  how  Alceste  should  be  produced.  I  would  have  done 
it  long  ago,  if  I  had  found  it  practicable.  As  regards  the  songs,  it  is 
easy  for  a  person  who  has  feeling ;  all  that  is  needed  is  to  follow  the 
dictates  of  the  heart.  About  the  accompaniment,  where  the  instru- 
ments require  so  many  directions,  nothing  can  be  done  unless  I  am 


1 78  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

there  in  person ;  some  notes  must  be  drawn  out,  others  pushed  out, 
some  at  half-volume,  others  louder  or  softer,  not  to  mention  the 
movement.  A  httle  slower  or  faster  destroys  a  whole  piece,  so  I 
beheve,  dearest  friend,  you  wiU  fmd  it  much  easier  to  make  the 
Germans  familiar  with  your  new  orthography^  than  I  will  to 
produce  an  opera  by  my  method,  particularly  in  your  district,  where 
the  art  of  composition  takes  first  place  and  imagination  is  despised 
and  abused,  which  is  why  most  of  your  musicians  wish  only  to  be 
masons  but  not  architects. 

Although  you  have  not  composed  anything  on  the  death  of  my 
dear  departed  one,  my  wish  has  nevertheless  been  fulfilled,  for  your 
Dead  Clarissa^  bears  so  close  a  resemblance  to  my  girl  that,  for  all 
your  great  mind,  you  could  not  have  produced  anything  better.  This 
is  now  my  favourite  ode  and  very  few  hear  it  without  being  moved 
to  tears.  You  do  not  know  why  I  have  taken  so  long  over  the 
Hermannsschlacht — because  I  want  to  make  this  the  last  of  my 
musical  works.  Until  now  I  have  not  been  able  to  stop,  because  the 
French  gentlemen  had  kept  me  so  busy.  But,  although  the  Hermanns- 
schlacht will  now  be  my  last  work,  you  must  beheve  that  it  will  not 
be  the  least  important  of  my  productions,  for  I  had  collected  the 
main  material  for  it  before  age  weakened  my  thinking  powers. 

Fare  thee  well !  I  remain  ever  your  devoted  admirer 

Gluck. 
[Address :] 

A 
Monsieur  Klopstock 
a 
Hamburg. 

^  Klopstock's  new  Orthography  is  explained  in  his  correspondence  with 
Professor  Tetens  in  Kiel,  and  L.  Muggenthaler:  'Orthographiereformbestre- 
bungen  und  ihre  Bedeutung  für  die  Gegenwart'  [Dittes:  Pädagogium,  VII, 
1885].  ^ 
2  Gluck's  music  for  the  ode  Die  tote  Clarissa  is  not  extant. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  17th  June,  1780] 

Vienna,  30th  May  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  beg  you  to  forgive  mc  if  I  pester  you  so  with  Mr  Mathon.  You 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  179 

can  tell  him  at  once  he  is  to  have  the  opera  Narcisse  engraved ;  as  it  is 
corrected,  the  music  becomes  no  better  but  the  piece  is  much  more 
regular.  Opera  has  suffered  a  heavy  loss  in  Mr  Berton  ;^  I  shall  miss 
him.  I  wish  someone  w^ould  appear  some  time  w^ho  would  take  my 
place  and  could  please  the  public  with  his  music,  so  that  I  would  be 
left  in  peace,  for  I  still  cannot  forget  all  the  chatter  I  have  had  to 
listen  to,  from  friends  and  foes,  about  Narcisse,  or  the  piUs  I  have 
swallowed ;  these  French  gentlemen  cannot  yet  distinguish  between 
a  musical  eclogue  and  an  epic  poem.^  I  am  sending  the  corrections  for 
Narcisse  to  the  Bailly  du  RouUet;  please  forward  them  to  him.  My 
best  regards  to  Mr  Rousseau^  and  all  good  friends.  I  will  not  fail 
to  report  to  M.  Abbe  Pezzana,  if  anything  should  happen  concerning 
Iphigenie.  I  am  glad  the  songs  I  wrote  pleased  the  Ambassador.  My 
regards  to  H.  v.  Blumendorff  and  Janson,  to  whom  I  have  written, 
but  I  addressed  the  letter  to  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  because  I  do  not 
know  where  he  hves.  Tell  him  to  seek  out  the  letter  and  answer  it 
and  send  me  his  address.  We  are  aU  well,  and  my  whole  society  and  all 
his  good  friends,  as  also  Mme  Gluck  and  I,  send  him  best  regards.  Adieu, 
dearest  friend.  Write  to  me  soon  with  some  news.  I  am  ever  your 

Gluck. 

1  Pierre  Montan  Berton  died  suddenly  on  14th  May  1780  after  a  per- 
formance of  Rameau's  Castor  et  Pollux  [Memoires  secretes,  XV,  p.  156); 
barely  two  months  earlier,  on  17th  March,  he  had  taken  over  the  direction  of 
the  Academie  de  Musique  following  the  resignation  of  de  Vismes.  He  was 
succeeded  by  the  composer  Antoine  Dauvergne  (1713-1797),  with  Gossec 
as  Assistant  Director. 

2  '.  .  .  one  must  not  imagine  that  this  is  a  pastoral:  it  is  true  tragedy',  was 
the  opinion  in  Paris  o£  Echo  et  Narcisse,  whereas  Gluck  claimed  that  the 
work  was  generally  regarded  as  a  musical  eclogue. 

^  The  reference  is  to  the  young  tenor  J.  Rousseau  (1761-1800),  who 
joined  the  Opera  in  1780  as  successor  to  Le  Gros. 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting ; 
RepHed  Paris,  14th  July  1780] 

Vienna,  30th  June  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

1  am  most  grateful  for  the  trouble  you  take  in  looking  after  my 
affairs.  Your  last  letter  was  greatly  appreciated  here ;  you  must  write 
more  often  and  give  us  Viennese  more  of  your  wit  and  your  bril- 
Hant  mind,  so  that  we  can  more  often  admire  it.  If  the  stupid  argu- 
ments in  Paris  over  music  and  spectacles  were  to  go  out  of  fashion,  I 


i8o  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

might  perhaps  decide  once  again  to  come  to  Paris  and  whistle  some- 
thing to  you  again,  but  I  no  longer  trust  them.  A  child  that  has  been 
burnt  shuns  fu:e.  It  might  well  happen,  however,  to  please  my 
friends,  of  whom  you  are  one  of  the  oldest.  Many  regards  to  all  our 
acquaintances  and  friends.  1  am  ever  your 

Gluck. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  i8th  August  1780] 

Vienna,  30th  July  1780 
Bravo,  dearest  friend !  Your  letter  earned  more  applause  here  than 
aU  my  operas  in  Paris;  if  you  do  not  become  a  Hofrat  [Privy  Coun- 
sellor], you  deserve  to  be  one;  yet  who  knows  what  can  become  of 
you  with  your  talents:  accidit  in  puncto  quod  non  contingit  in  anno.  I 
regret  that  with  the  new  arrangement  I  cannot  have  a  httle  talk  with 
you,^  for  barely  do  I  get  the  letters  before  I  must  send  the  answer, 
so  much  so  that  I  hardly  have  time  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  same, 
which  is  why  I  remain  so  laconic.  My  wife,  who  sends  you  her  best 
regards,  cannot  understand  why  you  have  changed  your  mind  in 
connection  with  my  return  to  Paris,  you  who  before  were  always  so 
opposed  to  it.  She  asks  you  to  explain,  but  I  remain,  now  as  ever,  my 
most  lovable  friend's 

completely  obedient  servant  and  friend 

Gluck. 
PS.  I  am  also  gradually  beginning  to  become  English  again.^ 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  ICruthoffer 
chez  S.E.M.  le  Comte  de  Mercy 
Ambassadeur  Imp.  et  Roy. 
a 

Paris 

^  The  first  performance  of  Echo  ex  Narcisse  in  the  new  two-act  version 
on  8th  August  1780  was  also  a  failure:  the  takings  fell  from  nearly  2,000  to 
less  than  700  livres.  After  the  ninth  repeat  performance  the  work  was 
dropped  from  the  programme. 

^  Gluck's  remark  refers  to  the  war  between  France,  Spain  and  America  on 
the  one  hand  and  England  on  the  other,  which  followed  on  the  American 
Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776  and  ended  with  the  Peace  of  Versailles 
on  3rd  November  1783. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghck  i8i 

[From  pRANgois  Francoeur^  to  Gluck.  French] 

From  Paris,  4th  August  1780 
You  have  had  sufficient  proof  of  my  zeal  to  be  persuaded  of  my  friendship  for 
you  and  of  my  admiration  for  your  talents,  you  are  not  unaware  even  of  the 
many  enemies  I  have  made  by  this  devotion  to  you,  and  you  know  also  that  the 
fine  performance  of  the  orchestra  in  your  works  derives  not  only  from  the  merits 
of  the  performers  but  also  from  the  pains  and  the  care  taken  by  he  who  conducts 
them.  Well,  Mr,  despite  the  great  success  of  your  operas  and  the  justice  that  you 
have  always  shown  to  this  same  orchestra  which  is  wholly  devoted  to  you,  M.  le 
Bailli  du  Rollet  has  no  confidence  in  me  for  the  new  production  of  Echo  et  Narcisse; 
he  cavils  with  me  over  the  movements  and  demands  that  all  those  you  have  given 
should  be  changed;  as  I  believe  (having  obtained  them  from  you)  that  I  am  fully 
entitled  to  retain  them,  I  must  not  yield;  moreover,  I  think  that  in  this  respect 
my  knowledge  is  superior  to  his  and,  furthermore,  my  reputation  depends  in  part 
on  the  success  of  the  work,  and  the  interest  I  take  in  it  is  at  least  as  keen  as  his. 

I  have  discovered  that  M.  le  Bailli  had  been  warned  against  me  by  the  late 
M.  Berton,  who  for  some  time  had  ceased  to  like  me.  ...  As  a  result  of  his 
ill-founded  warning,  I  have  just  learned  that  he  wrote  to  the  Committee  advising 
them  against  allowing  me  to  conduct  your  work.  He  even  carried  his  hostility 
to  the  point  of  threatening  not  to  give  it,  if  I  were  wielding  the  baton.  As  I  would 
be  in  despair  if  the  public  were  deprived,  because  of  me,  of  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
one  of  your  works  again,  I  felt  bound  to  give  way  without  regard  for  my  repu- 
tation, which  M.  le  Bailli  appears  to  compromise  somewhat  lightly,  and  despite 
my  friendship  for  you,  which  made  me  reproach  myself  for  leaving  the  conducting 
of  your  work  in  other  hands.  So  it  is  to  you,  Mr,  that  I  turn,  begging  you  to 
settle  this  quarrel.  I  hope  that  one  word  from  you  will  destroy  the  derogatory 
impressions  that  M.  le  Bailli  has  created  concerning  me,  and,  as  my  enemies  can 
have  no  doubt  of  the  confidence  you  have  shown  in  me  thus  far,  such  an  admission 
on  your  part  will  close  their  mouths  and  bring  happiness  to  one  who  has  the  honour 
to  be  with  the  most  respectful  devotion,  etc. 

I  beg  you  to  convey  my  respects  to  Mme  your  wife  and  to  honour  me  with 
a  word  of  reply  as  soon  as  possible. 
[Address :] 

A  M.  le  Chevalier  Gluck,  compositeur  de  Leurs  Majestes 
Imperiales  et  Royales,  pr^s  le  theatre  fran9ois 
ä 
Vienne  en  Autriche 

^  pRANgois  Francoeur  was  bom  in  Paris  on  28th  September  1698.  He 
joined  the  Opera  House  orchestra  as  a  violinist  in  1710,  graduated  to 
chamber  musician,  composer  of  chamber  music,  inspector  of  Opera  and 
finally  in  1760  to  Senior  Intendant  of  Music.  Together  with  Francois  Rebel, 
with  whom  he  had  a  lifelong  friendship,  he  composed  ten  operas  and  two 
books  of  violin  sonatas  before  he  died  in  Paris  on  7th  August  1787. 

[Gluck  to  pRANgois  Francoeur.  French] 

Vienna,  20th  August  1780 
Monsieur, 

I  am  very  disturbed  by  the  dispute  that  has  arisen  between  you 

C.G.-N 


1 82  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

and  M.  le  Bailli  du  Roullet  over  one  of  my  works.  Can  I  never  be 
free  of  the  theatrical  troubles  of  the  Paris  Opera,  either  at  first  or 
second  hand  ?  I  read  a  few  days  ago  a  small  French  gazette  in  which  I 
am  alleged  to  have  said  that  I  was  opposed  to  Mile  Beaumenil 
playing  the  role  of  Echo  in  the  same  opera.  I  am  no  longer  sur- 
prised that  I  have  found  so  many  enemies  in  Paris,  since  so  many  lies 
are  fabricated  about  me.  AU  this  greatly  weakens  my  former  resolve 
to  return  to  Paris,  for  I  hate  all  these  disquieting  suggestions  hke  the 
plague.  Forgive  me,  I  beg  of  you.  Monsieur,  if  I  decide  to  leave  it  to 
the  Directors  of  the  Opera  House  to  settle  your  complaint  against 
M.  BaiUy  [du  RouUet],  especially  as  I  am  not  myself  in  Paris.  If  I 
were  the  master,  you  would  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  anyone, 
for  I  have  always  attached  great  value  to  your  musical  talent  and  to 
your  constant  friendship,  which  you  have  demonstrated  towards  me 
on  several  occasions.  I  hope  that  you  will  receive  justice  without 
delay  and  that  peace  will  soon  be  restored.  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
with  the  highest  esteem. 

Monsieur, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient 
Servant  Gluck. 
I  pray  you  to  make  my  comphments 
to  the  gentlemen  of  the  orchestra. 
[Address :] 

de  Vienne 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  Francoeur  Maitre  de  Musique 
de  r Opera  rue  Neuve  St.  Eustache 
pres  I'Hotel  de  Carignan 
ä  Paris 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  i6th  September  1780] 

Vienna,  30th  August  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

If  you  continue  to  write  letters  like  the  last  two,  I  will  make  a 
collection  of  them  and  have  them  printed  by  subscription,  which  will 
bring  me  in  more  than  the  operas  I  have  sold  to  Mathon.  I  beg  you 
from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  have  him,  if  not  hanged,  at  least  put 
to  street-sweeping,  if  he  does  not  pay  promptly.  Joking  apart,  your 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  1 8  3 

letters  do  you  much  honour,  and  everyone  would  like  to  make  your 
acquaintance.  Mr  Riedl/  Calin,  myself  and  our  friends  always  await 
the  courier  impatiently,  for  the  fluency  of  your  letters  is  a  dehght  to 
us.  You  are  surely  right  in  thinking  that  my  journey  to  Paris  will 
not  take  place  yet,  because  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  fmd  a  sponser 
through  whom  I  could  be  summoned  to  the  Court.  My  wife  sends 
her  best  regards  and  will  follow  your  advice  faithfully,  should  it 
come  to  our  travelling  from  here.  Then  we  shall  eat,  drink  and  make 
merry  with  you,  dearest  friend,  and  our  other  good  friends.  Remem- 
ber me  to  H.  V.  Blumendorff  andjanson.  I  can  think  of  nothing  more 
to  write  to  him  than  that  I  am  fond  of  him  and  wish  him  a  contented 
life.  I  remain  ever  your  most  devoted  friend  and  servant 

Gluck. 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 

chez  S.  Ex.  Mr  L' Ambassadeur 

Imp.  Roy.  Apost. 
a 
Paris 

^  Friedrich  Justus  Riedel  (1742-1785),  the  well-known  author  and 
'depraved  Klotzian'  (i.e.  supporter  of  the  well-known  opponent  of  G.  E. 
Lessing),  was  one  of  Gluck's  friends.  He  went  to  Vienna  in  1772,  when 
he  was  appointed  Professor  at  the  Academy  of  Arts  and  Privy  Councillor. 
He  corresponded,  amongst  others,  with  Klopstock  and  Weiland  and,  apart 
from  the  periodical  Literarische  Monate  (1776  onwards),  published  a  book, 
Über  die  Musik  des  Ritters  Gluck  (Vienna,  1776). 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 

Rephed  Paris,  13  th  October,       Vienna,  30th  September  1780 
1780] 

Dearest  friend ! 

I  received  your  letter  today  and  must  reply  stante  pede,  if  I  am  not 
to  miss  the  courier  again.  The  Emperor  is  in  Bohemia,  which  is  why 
the  parcels  arrived  so  late.  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  the  news 
I  get  from  you,  apart  from  that  concerning  Mathon.  I  thought  that, 
as  he  had  been  given  so  much  time  to  pay,  he  could  be  distrained, 
for  he  deserves  no  further  consideration.  As  regards  the  opera  Echo, 


1 84  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

I  had  not  imagined  that  the  Directors  of  the  Opera  House  would 
treat  it  so  contemptuously,  because  the  profit  is  theirs.^  As  I  now 
reahze  that  they  are  not  well-disposed,  nothing  wiU  come  of  my  return 
to  Paris,  for  1  will  not  become  involved  in  any  more  quarrels.  But 
we  will  meet,  dearest  friend,  on  some  other  pretext.  Shortage  of 
time  does  not  permit  me  to  answer  the  enclosed  letters.  Please  give 
my  regards  to  your  whole  family  and  to  our  other  friends.  Many 
kind  regards  to  you  from  Mme  Gluck.  I  remain  ever  your  most 
devoted 

Gluck. 

[Address:] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
Chez  S.E.  Mr  L' Ambassadeur  Imp.  R. 
Apost. 

a 
Paris 

1  The  BENEFIT  PERFORMANCES  on  behalf  of  the  singers  in  March  1780 — 
Iphigenie  en  Aulide  and  Artnide  were  each  performed  twice — ^yielded 
40,420  Uvres,  on  which  Memoires  secretes[X.Y,  p.  85,  of  17th  March  1780)  com- 
mented: 'an  enormous  benefit,  without  precedent  in  the  lyrical  theatre'. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  31st  October  1780 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  deeply  regret  your  indisposition.  If  you  were  here,  you  would 
immediately  shake  off  your  fever,  for  I  have  a  good  friend  who  cures 
such  fevers  infaUibly  within  a  few  days.^  I  am  obhged  to  you  for  the 
news,  although  most  of  it  was  akeady  known  to  us  here.  I  hope  to 
communicate  a  piece  of  news  to  you  within  two  months,^  which 
wiU  give  you  great  pleasure.  When  you  next  see  Baron  Tschoudj 
[sic],  please  ask  him  if  he  received  my  letter.  I  wrote  to  him  with 
the  following  address:  ä  M.  le  Baron  de  Tschoudj  Envoye  du  Prince 
Eveque  de  Liege.  I  was  not  able  to  add  the  name  of  the  street  where 
he  hves,^  because  I  do  not  know  it.  Please  do  the  best  you  can  to 
make  Mathon  pay  and,  when  you  receive  the  money,  give  M. 
Corrances"*  a  louis  for  the  Rousseau  subscription,  of  which  I  make 
you  a  present  in  advance.  My  wife  sends  her  kindest  regards  to  you 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  185 

and  to  H.  v,  BlumendorfF,  Rousseau,  Tliierri,^  Roland"'  and  all  good 
friends.  I  remain  ever,  dearest  friend. 

Your  most  devoted  servant 
Gluck 

1  have  a  headache  and  cannot  write  clearly. 
[Address :] 

A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  KruthofFer 
Chez  S,  Excellence  Mr  L' Ambassadeur 
Imp.  et  Roy.  Apost. 
ä 
Paris 

^The  doctor,  Professor  Dr.  Joseph  Freiherr  von  Quarin  (1733-1814) 
was  'Royal  Imperial  Government  Councillor  for  Health  in  Lower  Austria 
and  "Physikus"  of  the  hospital  of  the  Brothers  of  Charity',  a  famous  physician 
who  became  Rector  of  the  University  in  1797. 

2  The  NEWS  was  an  invitation  Gluck  had  received  to  produce  four  operas 
in  Naples.  The  project  was  cancelled  following  the  death  of  the  Empress 
Maria  Theresia  (29th  November  1780). 

^  Baron  von  Tschudi  lived  in  the  rue  St  Dominique. 

*  Olivier  de  Corancey  (1743-1810)  was  the  editor  o£  the  Journal  de 

Paris.  He  was  a  faithful  supporter  of  Gluck  and  an  intimate  friend  of  J.  J. 

Rousseau.  In  1796  he  published  Poesies  suivies  d'tine  Notice  sur  Gluck  et 

Rousseau. 

^  Thierry  was  Louis  XVI's  first  Valet  de  Chambre.  In  the  beginning  of 

September  1792,  during  the  so-called  prison  murders,  he  was  executed. 

^RoLLAN  was  one  of  Gluck's  admirers  who  in  1776  subscribed  towards  a 

bust  of  Gluck  by  Jean  Antoine  Houdon  [Memoires  secretes,  IX,  p.  192). 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer' s  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  21st  December  1780] 

Vienna,  29th  November  1780 
Dearest  firiend 

The  confusion  and  compassion  which  have  beset  me  and  all 
inhabitants  here  in  the  sad  circumstances  of  Maria  Theresia's  demise 
prevent  me  from  answering  your  letter  in  detail,  although  it  is  of 
great  interest  to  me.  One  thing  only  will  I  tell  you,  because  of  the 
flea  sitting  in  your  ear,  namely  that  I  am  to  go  to  Naples  to  make 
four  operas  there.  I  did  not  wish  to  divulge  it  to  you  till  I  knew 


1 86  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

whether  my  conditions  would  be  accepted  or  not.  A  droll  occur- 
rence for  the  anti-Gluckists  in  Paris.  With  that  I  embrace  you  with 
my  whole  heart 

Gluck. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  20th  January  1781] 

Vienna,  3rd  January  178 1 
Your  letters,  dearest  friend,  are  so  tasty  and  amusing  that  they 
make  us  forget  Linguiet^  and  his  Annals.  All  those  to  whom  I  show 
them  have  a  burning  desire  to  meet  you.  You  are  acquiring  more 
fame  here  with  your  letters  than  I  with  my  operas  in  Paris.  Madame 
Gluck  is  enchanted  with  you.  She  sends  you  her  kindest  regards  and 
asks  at  the  same  time  if  you  can  give  her  any  information  about  a 
certain  doctor  medicinae  from  here,  who  calls  himself  Mesmer,^ 
whether  he  is  in  Paris  and  how  much  credit  he  has  gained  by  his 
magnetic  cures.  The  death  of  the  Empress  has  led  to  my  Neapohtan 
journey  being  postponed.  We  are  opening  the  theatres  again  on  the 
2 1  St.  My  return  to  Paris  will  hardly  materiahze.  You  are  right:  a 
man  of  mature  years  can  no  longer  associate  with  the  rabble,  yet 
I  would  hke  to  see  my  friends  again.  Greet  them  all  fondly  from  me, 
Janson,  Rousseau,  Moreau,^  Thierry,  etc.,  and  put  H.v.  Blumendorff 
at  the  head  of  the  hst.  Get  Mathon  firmly  by  the  ears,  so  that  we  can 
fmish  with  him  once  and  for  all.  If  the  book  on  strategy  is  not  very 
big,  please  send  me  a  copy.  Farewell.  I  give  you  a  kiss  on  your  left 
eye  and  remain  ever  your 

Gluck. 


^  Simon  Nicolas  Henri  Linguet  (bom  1736  in  Rheims)  wielded  such  a 
sharp  pen  that  he  was  compelled  to  leave  France  in  1776.  In  April  1777  the 
first  of  his  sensational  Annales  politiques,  civiles  et  Utteraires  du  XVIII'  siede 
appeared,  and  continued  through  nineteen  volumes  until  1792.  In  1794,  after 
returning  to  Paris,  he  was  executed. 

2  Dr.  Franz  Anton  Mesmer(i733-i8i5),  the  well-known  founder  of  the 
doctrine  of  so-called  animal  magnetism,  had  transferred  his  activities  from 
Vienna  to  Paris.  He  was  a  great  lover  of  music  and  was  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  Mozart  family. 

^Jean  Michel  Moreau  le  Jeune  (1741-1814),  an  excellent  painter  and 
copper-engraver,  is  the  Moreau  referred  to  here,  not  the  opera-singer  of  the 
same  name. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gkck  187 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  3  ist  January  1781 
PS.  There  is  no  word  here  of  changing  a  post,  as  the  Parisians  are 
thinking.^ 
Dearest  friend. 

Mr.  BlumendorfF^  sends  me  your  packet  with  the  advice  that,  if 
I  wished  to  forward  anything  to  Paris,  I  should  send  it  at  once,  be- 
cause the  courier  is  aheady  about  to  leave  again.  So  how  is  it  possible 
to  write  you  a  complete  letter,  as  I  barely  have  time  to  read  yours  ? 
You  must  be  patient  until  some  order  has  been  restored  to  the 
couriers'  movements,  when  I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  news  of  what 
is  happening  here  with  us,  for  until  now  one  has  heard  nothing  but 
gossip.  I  will  wait  for  something  rehable,  which  will  be  more  agree- 
able to  you  than  all  the  chatter.  This  much  is  certain,  that  the 
Emperor  works  so  astonishingly  that  all  praesidia  together  can  barely 
keep  pace  with  him.  I  await  Mr.  Maureau's^  drawings  by  the  next 
courier.  Please  to  remember  Madame  Gluck  and  myself  to  Mademoi- 
selle le  Vasseur  and  to  explain  to  her  yourself  why  the  couriers  pre- 
vent me  from  writing  to  her.  We  are  both  certain  of  your  noble 
heart  and  true  friendship,  nor  must  you  ever  doubt  the  same  of  us. 
I  am  surprised  that  M.  le  Bailly  has  not  rephed  to  my  letter.  My 
respects  to  Baron  de  Tschoudy ;  I  cannot  answer  him,  because  I  have 
not  yet  had  time  to  read  and  examine  the  poetry*  he  sent  me.  Adieu, 
dearest  friend.  I  remain  ever  yours. 
[Address :] 

A  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Krutholfer 

chez  Son  Excellence  Mr.  L'Amb.  Imp.  et  Royal 
a 
Paris 

■•^  The  rumours  which  circulated  after  Maria  Theresia's  death  that  Ambassador 

Mercy-Argenteau  was  to  be  recalled  were  without  foundation.  He 

was  not  transferred  to  Brussels  until  1790. 

2  The  Blumendorff  mentioned  here  was  the  brother  of  Franz  von  Blumen- 

dorff,  Head  of  Chancery  in  the  Paris  Embassy,  and  lived  in  Vienna. 

^  Gluck  was  waiting  for  the  stage  designs  by  Jean  Michel  Moreau  le 

Jeune  for  the  Vienna  production  oflphigenie  en  Tanride. 

*  The  poetry  which  Baron  von  Tschudi  had  sent  to  Gluck  was  presumably 

'Les  Danaides'  [Hypermnestra),  which  the  author,  Raniero  di  Calzabigi 

(1714-1795),  had  sent  to  Gluck  in  1778  and  which  Baron  von  Tschudi  had 

revised.  Gluck  intended  to  set  the  work  to  music  but,  owing  to  a  breakdown 

in  his  health,  was  unable  to  finish  it.  On  his  recommendation,  the  Academie 


18  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

de  Musique  commissioned  Gluck's  pupil  Antonio  S  alieri  to  do  it  in  1783 — 
without  the  knowledge  and  against  the  wishes  of  Calzabigi,  who  was  justly 
angry.  The  work  was  performed  for  the  first  time  under  Gluck's  name  on 
26th  April  1784  in  Paris  and  was  a  great  success.  Only  after  the  twelfth  per- 
formance was  the  truth  made  known — namely,  that  Saheri  was  the  sole 
composer  of  the  opera  and  that  Gluck's  share  in  it  had  been  confined  to 
occasional  advice.  [Cramer's  Magazin  der  Musik,  II,  pp.  4.17  seq.]. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting: 
Replied  Paris,  i8th  April  1781] 

Vienna,  28th  March  178 1 
PS.  Had  almost  forgotten  to  thank  you  for  the  constant  trouble  I 
cause  you;  I  hope  soon  to  show  my  gratitude. 
Dearest  friend ! 

Although  I  cannot  always  answer  your  welcome  letters  because 
of  the  irregular  arrival  and  departure  of  the  couriers,  I  hope  you  will 
never  forget  me  as  a  friend  but  continue  to  regale  me  with  your 
correspondence.  I  have  read  your  very  successful  translation  with 
much  pleasure  and  congratulate  you  on  it;  perhaps  it  will  help  me 
to  make  your  talent  known  here  in  Vienna,  for  this  is  a  much  better 
way  of  persuasion  than  mere  speeches.  Give  M.  Moreau  a  few  dozen 
kisses  for  me;  he  has  enchanted  me  with  his  drawings.  I  am  not 
feehng  well  ;^  March  keeps  me  indoors,  but  as  soon  as  I  am  out  and 
about  again,  I  will  present  you  to  the  High  Chamberlain  and  pass 
on  to  you  the  applause  which  you  will  inevitably  receive.  If  I  can 
obtain  anything  agreeable  from  him,  it  will  be  all  the  more  agree- 
able to  me.  Mde.  Gluck  sends  her  best  regards  to  you  and  begs  you 
to  send  her  a  few  boxes  of  small  night-candles.  Try  to  make  Mathon 
pay,  so  that  we  can  pay  for  them  too.  Tell  the  BaiUy  du  RouUet  he 
is  to  come  to  Vienna  to  cure  me  with  his  entertaining  conversation, 
for  I  am  suffering  much  from  melancholy.  I  beg  you  also  to  give 
my  best  regards  to  Mademoiselle  le  Vasseur  and  to  H.  v.  Blumen- 
dorff.  Farewell,  dearest  friend !  Love  me  a  little. 
[Address :] 

Ä  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  KrutthofFer 
chez  S.  Ex.  M.  L' Ambassadeur  Imp.  et.  Roy. 
ä 
Paris 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  189 

^  In  1781  Gluck  was  in  poor  health.  During  the  rehearsals  ofEcho  et  Narcisse 
in  Paris  in  1779  he  had  suffered  a  shght  stroke  {Journal  de  Paris,  No.  209  of 
5th  September  1779).  Early  in  June  1781  followed  a  more  serious  stroke, 
the  after-effects  of  which  Gluck  suffered  for  a  long  time. 
2  The  High  Chamberlain  was  Franz  Xaver  Prince  of  Orsini  and 
Rosenberg  (1723-1796). 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  30th  May  1781] 

Vienna,  ist  May  1781 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  can  give  you  no  news  yet  of  my  restored  health;  I  must  have 
patience  till  the  good  weather  comes,  when  I  hope  to  convalesce 
again  in  my  garden;^  I  have  spent  a  long  time  in  a  state  of  constant 
inaction,  but  the  Iphigenie  en  Tauride,  which  is  to  be  presented  very 
soon,  will  bring  me  back  into  action  and  set  my  blood  flowing.  I 
am  deeply  obhged,  however,  to  you  and  all  my  friends  who  took 
such  an  active  interest  in  my  health.  If  they  intend  to  present  all  my 
operas  ad  nauseaum,  will  the  whole  world  not  find  them  intolerable 
in  the  long  run?  This  is  the  only  and  the  best  way  to  estabHsh  Itahan 
music  in  Paris,  so  let  us  congratulate  those  French  gentlemen.  I  thank 
God  that  I  am  quit  of  them.  From  the  BaiUy's  letters  I  have  noticed 
that  he  does  not  feel  too  well,  for,  hke  myself,  he  writes  with  a 
trembling  hand;  I  could  do  with  his  company.  Mme  Gluck,  who 
sends  you  her  best  regards,  is  disappointed  that  you  have  not  sent 
her  the  night-hghts;  do  not,  for  heaven's  sake,  forget  them.  Our 
regards  to  all  our  friends.  I  embrace  you  most  fondly 

Gluck. 

'^  In  1776  Gluck  had  bought  a  house  from  Baron  von  Sandor  at  Rennweg 
No.  22,  not  far  from  the  St  Marxer  Linie.  He  exchanged  it  in  September 
1 78 1 — ^probably  for  the  country  house  at  Perchtoldsdorf— with  a  doctor, 
Johann  Nepomuk  Ritter  von  Humbourg  (173 1-1795). 


[To  Louis  Petit  de  Bachaumont.^  French] 

[Vienna,  nth  May  1781] 
Do  not  believe  the  rumours  which  are  going  round  about  my 
early  return  to  Paris ;  unless  superior  orders  take  me  there,  I  will  not 
go  to  this  city  till  the  French  are  agreed  as  to  the  kind  of  music  they 


ipo  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

want.  This  fickle  people,  after  receiving  me  in  the  most  flattering 
manner,  seems  to  have  lost  aU  taste  for  my  operas,  which  are  no 
longer  attended  by  the  same  crowds  as  before;  and  today  we  have 
the  Lord  Bountiful's  attention  being  drawn;  he  seems  intent  upon 
returning  to  his  Pont-neufs  f  one  must  let  him  do  as  he  pleases. 

^  Louis  Petit  de  Bachaumont  was  bom  in  Paris  in  1690.  He  frequented 
Madame  Doublet's  literary  salon  and  in  1777  his  Memoires  secretes  pour 
servir  ä  I'histoire  de  la  republique  des  lettres  began  to  appear.  He  died  in  May 
1 771. 

2  Pont-Neufs — a  familiar  eighteenth-century  expression  for  prostitutes 
who  haunted  Pont-neuf,  and  also  used  occasionally  of  light  songs. 


[Carlo  Calin  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German^ 
Highly  honourable  Herr,  best  friend. 

Is  one  really  to  believe  that  the  Chevalier  Gluck  felt  obliged  to  write  to  you 
through  me?  And  yet  there  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  of  it.  The  fate  that  always 
governs  our  lives  attacked  his  hand  some  weeks  ago,  so  that  we  have  reason  to 
deplore  tlois  occurrence  and  to  wish  that  the  forces  which  assailed  him  through 
a  stroke  on  the  right  side  will  be  checked  by  the  baths  he  has  been  taking;  it  is 
our  fondest  wish  to  ask  the  Almighty  to  grant  our  entreaties  and  avert  what  He 
in  His  Omnipotence  has  decided.  The  hopes  of  men  spring  eternal  and  no  effort 
will  be  spared  to  do  what  is  humanly  possible.  Bitter  as  this  letter  sounds,  future 
news  may  be  joyful.  What  also  hurts  the  Chevalier  in  his  difficult  circumstances 
is  that  he  has  received  no  news  from  his  good  friends  in  Paris  for  some  time.  From 
you,  best  friend,  he  hoped  for  something  by  the  courier,  but  as  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor's  journey  has  gone  awry,  that  too  has  been  lost  and  we  do  not  know 
where  we  are.  His  good  friend  the  Bailie  de  RoUete  [sic],  who  never  failed  to 
answer,  has  made  him  wonder  anxiously  if  he  had  not  perhaps  paid  his  debt  to 
Nature.  All  in  all,  it  is  depressing  for  someone  who  himself  seemed  to  be  on  the 
point  of  death.  To  give  the  Chevalier  some  comfort,  I  pray  you,  best  friend,  to  let 
us  know,  as  soon  as  you  receive  this,  the  state  of  your  health  and  the  reason  why 
the  Bailie  has  not  replied.  He  will  be  expecting  letters  by  your  hand  every  day, 
and,  for  my  sake  as  well,  give  him  an  account  of  the  developments  in  the  Opera 
House  which  people  in  Paris  are  discussing.  The  war  news  is  beginning  to  fall 
off  here;  if  you  have  any  more  secret  and  more  reliable  [information]  as  to  what  is 
happening  in  America,  this  might  help,  but  it  must  not  be  bad  news.  There  will 
be  no  better  evidence  how  a  little  sympathy  can  give  new  strength  to  the  Chevalier's 
paralysed  arm  than  if  you  carry  on  a  lively  correspondence  with  him,  for  he  has 
no  one  else  left. 

And  now,  farewell.  Continue  to  love  your  friend  who  honours  you  and 
give  his  respects  also  to  your  good  friend,  Hr.  v.  Plumendorf.  This  is  all  your 
servant  can  say,  that  he  closes  with  all  respect  as  a 

Most  devoted  friend 
Carlo  Calin. 

Vienna,  19th  June  1781 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Ghick  191 

[To    Grand   Duke   Carl   August   von    Sachsen-Weimar. 

German] 
Most  Serene  Duke 
Gracious  Herr ! 

It  has  pleased  Your  Serene  Highness  in  a  letter  of  the  8th  of  this 
month  to  give  me  a  proof  of  your  favour  and  most  gracious  sym- 
pathy. I  express  my  most  heartfelt  and  humble  thanks  for  this  high 
favour. 

The  paralysis  of  my  right  hand,  which  still  persists,  makes  it  im- 
possible for  me  to  express  my  most  humble  thanks  to  Your  Serene 
Highness  in  my  own  hand,  but  I  hope  that  the  Baden  bath  which  I 
am  now  using  for  the  second  time  will  gradually  reheve  this  afflic- 
tion, at  least  in  part. 

I  am  truly  sorry  that  this  same  illness  makes  it  impossible  for  me  to 
carry  out  Your  Serene  Püghness's  gracious  wishes  with  regard  to 
the  young  musician,^  for,  notwithstanding  that,  thanks  be  to  God ! 
my  unhappy  affliction  has  had  no  ill  effect  upon  my  powers  of 
understanding,  my  present  state  still  does  not  permit  of  any  effort 
such  as  would  be  required  for  an  affair  of  this  kind.  Should  Your 
Serene  Highness  wish,  nevertheless,  to  send  this  young  man  here, 
I  am  sure  that  his  stay  will  not  be  without  real  value,  for  in  the 
presence  of  the  Czar  opera^  vd\i  be  presented  fi:om  which  he  can 
learn  more  in  a  short  time  than  from  prolonged  studies.  In  so  far 
as  my  condition  permits,  I  will  serve  him  with  joy  and  endeavour 
to  be  of  use  at  least  with  good  advice  and  arranging  good 
contacts. 

Awaiting  Your  Serene  Highness's  further  gracious  orders,  I  am, 
with  humble  devotion, 

Serene  Duke 
Gracious  Herr 
Your  Serene  Highness's 
Most  humble  servant 
Vienna,  21st  August  Gluck  mp. 

1781 


^  Duke  Karl  August  had,  presumably  at  Goethe's  suggestion,  written  to 
Gluck  on  behalf  of  Philipp  Christoph  Kayser  (1755-1823),  who  was  to 
study  in  Vienna. 

^  On  the  occasion  of  a  visit  by  the  Czar  Paul  of  Russia  Gluck's  Alceste 
was  performed  at  the  end  of  November  1781.  See  note  2,  letter  of  30th 
November  1781. 


192  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  i6th  December  1781] 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  have  read  the  two  letters  you  sent  me  with  the  greatest  pleasure, 
particularly  as  I  thought  from  your  long  silence  that  you  had  quite 
forgotten  me.  I  have  again  escaped  from  the  clutches  of  death  before 
I  had  previously  recovered  from  my  first  illness.  An  inflammation 
of  the  lung  accompanied  by  a  fever  completely  robbed  me  of  the 
httle  strength  I  had  left.  I  am  now  a  feeble  convalescent  again.  I  must 
tell  you  that  on  the  23rd  Iphigenie  was  presented  here  with  the 
greatest  applause;^  M.  Moreau's  designs  did  much  to  contribute  to 
the  warm  reception.  I  am  sending  the  pictures  back  to  you,  although 
I  wished  to  keep  them  and  this  sacrifice  does  not  come  easy  to  me; 
only  for  you  could  I  decide  to  accept  this  privation.  Pay  him  many 
compliments  on  behalf  of  all  the  pubhc  here ;  when  I  am  once  more 
in  a  position  to  be  out  and  about,  I  will  not  fail  to  try  to  obtain 
something  from  the  Emperor  for  him.  The  whole  of  Vienna,  my- 
self included,  rejoice  at  the  birth  of  the  Dauphin,^  not  on  account 
of  those  French  but  on  account  of  the  Queen.  I  advised  against 
deahng  so  gently  with  the  scoundrel  Mathon,  who  should  be  forced 
to  abide  by  his  bills,  for  his  claims  have  always  been  made  out  on 
the  basis  of  his  own  accounts ;  he  should  rather  be  obhged  to  make 
some  redress  for  his  long-delayed  payment.  My  wife  sends  you  her 
best  regards,  Cahn  wishes  to  be  remembered,  and  I  embrace  you, 
dearest  friend,  with  all  my  heart. 
Vienna,  2nd  November  1781 
[Address :] 

ä  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
chez  son  Excellence  M.  I'Am- 
bassadeur  Imp.  et  Roy.  Apo. 
ä  Paris 


^  As  background  to  the  Viennese  performances  of  Gluck's  operas,  W.  A. 
Mozart's  letters  to  his  father  provide  some  fascinating  details.  On  29th 
August  1781  he  had  this  to  say  about  the  engagement  of  Signora  Bernas- 
CONI  in  London:  'I  think  .  .  .  that  Gluck,  to  enable  him  to  present  his 
French  operas  in  German,  has  also  contributed  .  .  .  and,  so  that  she  does 
not  take  the  500  ducats  for  nothing,  the  Emperor  was  persuaded,  with  much 
difficulty,  to  have  Iphiginie  and  Alceste  presented  by  Gluck. — ^The  former 
German,  the  second  foreign.  .  .  .'  There  is  another  reference  in  the  letter 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  193 

of  I2th  September,  and  on  34th  October  he  writes:  'Yesterday  was  the  first 
performance  of  Iphigenie,  but  I  was  not  there.  For  anyone  who  wished  to 
enter  the  parterre  had  to  be  there  at  4  o'clock — but  I  was  at  ahnost  all  the 
rehearsals.  .  .  .'  The  performance,  in  which  Antonia  Bernasconi  played  the 
title  role,  Valentin  Adamberger  the  part  of  Orestes,  and  Ludwig  Fischer  the 
part  of  King  Thoas,  was  an  enormous  and  enduring  success  (cf.  Cramer's 
Magazin  der  Musik,  I,  p.353). 

2  Marie  Antoinette's  first  son,  Louis  Joseph  Xavier  Francois,  was 
bom  on  22nd  October  1781.  He  died  on  4th  June  1789. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  3rd  February  1782] 
Dearest  friend ! 

I  read  your  letter  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  especially  as  it  gave 
me  so  much  news  of  the  war  and  the  theatre.  I  regret  the  loss  of 
gallant  General  Koch^  and  wish  the  news  of  his  complete  recovery 
had  proved  to  be  true.  The  applause  given  to  the  German  Iphigenie 
has  a  better  foundation,  for  the  Grand  Duke  of  Russia^  was  so 
dehghted  by  it  that  he  came  with  the  Prince  [Ferdinand]  of  Württem- 
berg the  other  day  to  visit  me  and  expressed  a  great  desire  to  make 
my  better  acquaintance.  This  created  a  great  sensation  here,  and  the 
place  where  I  have  my  lodgings  was  quite  full  of  people  all  talking 
about  it.  He  also  heard  the  foreign  Alceste  and  was  particularly  im- 
pressed by  the  aria  which  comes  at  the  end  of  the  revised  act,  and 
more  especially  by  the  words  'Me  dechire  le  coeur'^ — a  particularly 
appropriate  lesson  for  M.  Marmontel,  for  he  [the  Grand  Duke] 
paid  me  the  compliment  of  saying  that,  while  he  had  heard  a  great 
deal  of  music,  none  had  so  touched  his  heart  as  mine.  I  am  sending 
you  the  German  translation^  as  requested.  I  hope  you  received  the 
letter  and  the  drawings  by  M.  Moreau,  which  I  sent  you  by  a 
French  courier;  if  not,  please  advise  me  at  once.  Do  not  send  me 
any  more  newspapers  firom  M.  de  la  Blancherie,  for  it  is  not  worth 
the  trouble  of  reading  them.  I  also  wish  to  hear  no  more  of  Mr 
Mathon.  Do  with  him  as  you  think  fit,  for  I  can  rely  upon  your 
insight  and  honesty.  Madame  Gluck  sends  her  best  regards  and  I 
remain  ever  your 

Most  humble  servant 

Gluck. 

Vienna,  30th  November  1781 


194  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

^Johann  Baptist  Freiherr  von  Koch,  Lieutenant-General  in  the 
Imperial  Army,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  Seven  Years'  War, 
had  travelled  to  France  in  1777  for  health  reasons  and  died  in  Paris  in  the 
autumn  of  1 78 1. 

2  Grand  Duke  Paul  Petrowitch  (1754-1801),  who  was  crowned  Czar 
Paul  I  in  1796,  had  embarked  on  a  prolonged  tour  abroad  on  30th  September 
1781  with  his  wife,  Maria  Feodorovna,  Princess  Sophia  Dorothea  Auguste 
Louise  of  Württemberg  (1759-??).  On  21st  November  they  arrived  in 
Vienna  as  Duke  and  Duchess  von  Norden.  In  their  honour  a  series  of  brilliant 
festivities  was  organized.  On  Sunday,  the  25th,  they  heard  Gluck's  Italian 
Alceste  in  the  Schlosstheater  at  Schönbrunn  and  two  days  later  IphigSnie  en 
Tauris  in  the  National  theater  in  Vienna.  Accompanied  by  his  brother-in-law, 
the  young  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Württemberg  (bom  1763),  the  Grand  Duke 
visited  Gluck  the  following  day  (Wednesday,  28th  November)  and  the  com- 
poser was  overcome  with  pride  and  joy. 

The  Grand  Duke's  visit  to  Vienna  is  also  mentioned  in  Mozart's  letters 
to  his  father:  'The  Grand  Duke  of  Russia  is  not  coming  until  November', 
he  writes,  29th  August  1 781, then  on  24th  November:  'Now  the  grand-ducal 
great  bear  is  here — Tomorrow  is  Alceste/£oTciga/zt  Schönbrunn,  followed 
by  an  open  ball — '  After  the  performance  there  was  a  great  masked  ball,  to 
which  several  thousand  people  were  invited,  and  the  climax  was  a  magnifi- 
cent banquet  (report  in  Wiener  Zeitung,  1781,  No.  95). — 'Yesterday,  or  to  be 
more  precise  last  night,  was  the  great  fete  at  Schönbrunn,  which  was  a 
resounding  success.  Nearly  4,000  masks,  everyone  supped,  and  all  the  rooms 
without  exception  were  thrown  open.  Apart  from  this,  the  opera  Alceste 
was  presented  with  marked  success — '  writes  Josef  II  to  his  brother  Leopold 
on  26th  November.  A  detailed  description  of  the  visit  of  the  Grand  Duke 
and  Grand  Duchess  to  Vienna  and  of  the  musical  performances  arranged  for 
the  occasion  is  given  in  C.  F.  Pohl's  biography  o£ Haydn  (vol.  2,  pp.  183  seq.). 
\  .  .  To  make  the  acquaintance  of  famous  persons  is  ...  a  feature  of  their 
thirst  for  knowledge.  .  .  .  Good  music  and  a  fme  spectacle  .  .  .  give  them 
pleasure.  .  .  .  The  Grand  Duchess  plays  the  piano  very  well  .  .  .'  wrote 
the  Emperor  Josef  to  his  brother  Leopold  in  January  1782.  They  met  all  the 
important  musicians  in  Vienna,  called  not  only  on  Gluck  but  also  on  the  aged 
Court  Poet  Pietro  Metastasio  (died  12th  April  1782),  and  Maria  Feodorovna 
was  present  at  the  contest  between  Mozart  and  Clementi  on  24th  December. 
Joseph  Haydn's  'Russian  Quartets'  (opus,  33,  Hoboken  III/37-42),  which 
Artaria  brought  out  in  January  1782,  are  dedicated  to  the  Grand  Duke. 
The  departure  from  Vieima  took  place  on  4th  January  1782.  In  October, 
on  their  way  back  to  Russia,  the  royal  couple  spent  a  further  fortnight  in  the 
imperial  capital. 

^  The  German  translation  which  Kruthoffer  received  was  the  book  entitled: 
Iphiginie  en  Tauris.  Ein  tragisches  Singspiel  in  vier  Aufzügen.  Aus  dem  Fran- 
zösischen des  Herrn  Guillard.  Die  Musik  ist  vom  Ritter  Gluck.  Aufgeführt 
auf  dem  K.  K.  Nationaltheater.  Wien,  heym  Logenmeister,  1781.  This  German 
translation  was  by  the  Viennese  poet  Johann  Baptist  von  Alxinger  (I775- 
I797)•  Gluck  had  made  substantial  changes  in  the  music,  as  can  be  seen  from 
his  sketch-books  in  the  Municipal  Library  at  Leipzig  and  from  the  score  in 
the  Austrian  National  Library  in  Vienna. 


of  Christoph  IVillibaU  Ghick  195 

[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  3rd  February  1782] 

Vienna,  30th  December  178 1 
Dearest  friend ! 

1  beg  you  to  carry  out  the  following  commission  for  me :  to  hand 
the  enclosed  letter  together  with  the  portrait^  in  the  tin  box  to  the 
Bailly  du  Roullet,  but  please  to  open  it  first  and  have  it  stretched  on 
a  frame  before  you  deliver  it,  because  when  stretched  it  makes  a 
better  showing.  Ask  him  from  me  if  he  would  be  good  enough  to 
hand  the  letter  and  the  portrait  to  Madame  de  la  Ferte.^  Should  he, 
however,  be  out  of  Paris,  then  I  beg  you  to  undertake  this  for  me. 
I  cannot  answer  your  letter  this  time,  because  the  room  is  full  of 
people,  so  I  close  with  the  assurance  that  I  remain  ever  your 

Most  humble  servant 
and  friend  Gluck. 

■"•  The  portrait  in  question  was  presumably  a  copy  of  the  oil  painting  which 
Joseph  Silfrede  Duplessis  (1735-1802)  completed  in  Paris  in  1775  and 
which  is  now  in  the  Kunsthistorisches  Museum  in  Vienna.  In  1783  Gluck  had 
another  copy  made  for  Johann  Friedrich  Reichardt. 

2  The  husband  of  Madame  de  la  Ferte  was  a  keen  collector  of  pictures 
who,  according  to  the  records  left  by  the  painter  Joseph  Vernet,  acquired 
27,000  livres  worth  of  paintings  between  1776  and  1784. 


[To  Valentin.^  French] 

From  Vienna,  17th  April  1782 
Monsieur, 

Your  obhging  letter  gave  me  great  pleasure  and  I  must  thank 
you  for  it. 

It  is  very  flattering  to  me  and  I  see  in  it  the  imprint  of  an  ardent 
genius,  eager  to  learn,  as  well  as  the  essential  quahties  of  a  good 
heart  an  and  excellent  character,  which  do  you  much  honour. 

If  the  state  of  my  health  permitted  it  and  if  I  could  still  undertake 
something  relating  to  dramatic  art,  I  could  think  of  nothing  more 
pressing  than  to  accept  the  offer  you  have  just  made  me,  and  I  am 
convinced  that  we  would  be  both  well  pleased. 

I  have  been  ill  for  several  months  following  an  apoplectic  stroke, 
which  came  upon  me  last  year.  My  head  is  weakened  and  my  right 
arm  is  paralysed.  I  am  incapable  of  doing  the  least  work  which  is 
continuous;  I  am  not  allowed,  and  still  less  am  I  able,  to  apply 


196  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

myself  in  any  way.  So  you  see,  Monsieur,  that  I  cannot  lend  myself  to 
your  request,  which  does  you  so  much  credit  and  me  so  much 
honour.  It  is  against  my  wishes  but  it  is  impossible  to  do  otherwise. 

You  are  young,  Monsieur,  and  you  are  fuU  of  goodwill;  work, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  make  progress,  gain  advancement  and 
achieve  success. 

Determination  and  courage  in  your  studies,  reflection  and  a  sense 
of  unity  in  a  work  as  a  whole,  and  above  all  the  seeking  of  truth  in 
expression :  all  these,  aUied  to  the  rules  of  art,  wiU  take  you  far.  The 
simphcity  of  nature  and  the  force  of  emotion  must  be  your  guides 
more  than  all  else.  He  who  departs  from  them  invariably  shps  into 
absurd  incongruities  which  condemn  him  to  mediocrity. 

These  are  my  masters;  they  must  be  yours.  In  this  school  and 
with  the  natural  and  acquired  quaHties  which  are  necessary,  one  finds 
the  right  road. 

Several  stray  from  it  by  failing  to  observe  these  rules  of  conduct 
while  following  an  everyday  routine. 

Sound  them,  these  masters,  consult  them,  question  them.  They 
are  gentle  with  those  who  seek  them.  They  Usten  to  you;  they  wiU 
reply;  they  wiU  lead  you. 

Adieu,  Monsieur. 

Pray  accept  these  few  pieces  of  advice  given  to  you  by  an  invahd, 
who  is  no  longer  good  for  anything  else,  and  rest  assured  of  the 
feeling  of  esteem  which  you  deserve,  which  you  have  inspired  in 
me,  and  with  which  I  have  the  honour.  Monsieur,  to  be 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 
Le  ChevaHer  Gluck. 
[Address :] 

A  Monsieur  Valentin, 

Directeur  de  la  musique  de  Monsr.  le  due  d'AiguiUon, 
par  Bordeaux,  AiguiUon  en  Guyenne. 

^  Valentin,  Director  of  Music  at  Aiguillon,  was  the  author  of  a  'hierodrame', 
which  was  based  on  Voltaire's  Samson  and  produced  at  a  "Concert  spirituel" 
in  1782. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting: 
RepHed  Paris,  12th  March  1783] 
Dearest  friend ! 

If  until  now  I  have  not  conducted  a  regular  correspondence  with 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  197 

you,  the  reason  is  that  in  present  conditions  one  never  knows  if  a 
courier  is  leaving  or  arriving.  I  would  also  hke  to  save  you  the 
postage  money.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  felt  a  slight  sense  of 
grievance  against  you,  because  you  pursue  my  affairs  with 
such  indifference,  you  who  have  so  much  skill  in  carrying  out 
everything  that  comes  your  way.  Perhaps  the  new  Peace  with 
England  will  make  you  more  active  again.  As  a  test  I  will  burden  you 
with  a  few  commissions  and  when  you  receive  the  money  you  will 
deduct  the  expenses  together  with  the  interest.  My  wife,  who  sends 
you  her  most  pohte  respects,  begs  you  to  buy  some  fine  rouge,  two 
small  pots  for  brunette  and  two  small  ones  for  blonde  faces,  4 
pieces  in  all,  further,  4  pounds  of  brown  'Poudre  de  marechal  ä 
la  Canelle',  further  some  night-candles  such  as  you  have  already 
sent  us,  finally  a  [round]  box  of  the  white  sugar-cakes,  which,  when 
one  puts  them  in  one's  mouth,  bite  and  make  one  quite  cool.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  send  everything  at  once  but  only  one  of  each  kind 
and  the  remainder  bit  by  bit.  Forgive  me  if  I  burden  you  with  firesh 
commissions;  when  one  is  in  need,  one  seeks  out  one's  old  jSriends 
again.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do  not  ask  your  help  for  nothing,  as  I 
have  akeady  decided  to  include  you  in  my  will  for  your  efforts  on 
my  behalf.^  One  thing  more:  I  beg  you  to  speak  to  Monsieur  le 
Gros  on  behalf  of  my  wife  and  to  announce  a  certain  Mr  Fischer,^ 
who  has  an  incomparable  bass  voice,  with  which  he  can  give  a  good 
account  of  himself  at  his  concerts.  He  proposes  to  travel  from  here 
to  Paris  at  Lent.  Be  good  enough  to  let  me  know  whether  he  [Le 
Gros]  will  make  use  of  him  and  what  reply  he  has  given.  My 
regards  to  Herr  von  Blumendorff  and  to  all  other  good  friends. 
Perhaps  we  shall  meet  again  this  year,^  if  my  wife  does  not  rule  it 
out.  I  remain  as  ever 

dearest  friend ! 

Your  most  humble  servant 

Gluck. 
Vienna,  22nd  February  1783 

^  Gluck  did  not  remember  Franz  KruthofFer  in  his  will. 
2  Ludwig  Fischer  (1745-1825),  who  had  an  exceptional  bass  voice,  was 
invited  to  Vienna  in  1780  by  the  Emperor  Joseph.  'Displeased  by  certain 
innovations  in  the  theatre',  he  left  for  Paris  in  1783.  On  his  performances 
there,  Cramer's  Magazin  der  Musik  (I,  p.  839)  reported  as  follows:  'Paris  in 
May  1783:  In  this  "Concert  spirituel"  Herr  Fischer,  a  singer  from  Vienna, 
was  also  heard.  His  voice  is  pure,  beautiful  and  of  an  extraordinary  range. 
His  style  of  singing  is  very  good;  he  will  always  earn  more  applause  when  he 
chooses  arias  which  are  suited  to  his  voice.'  Fischer's  voice  ranged  from 

C.G.-O 


198  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

bottom  C  to  treble  A  (Reichardt:  Musikalische  Monatsschrift,  1792,  p.  67); 
he  was  the  outstanding  German  bass  singer  of  his  time.  Mozart,  who  mentions 
him  frequently  in  his  letters,  wrote  the  part  of  Osmin  in  the  Entführung  aus 
dem  Serail  for  liim  and  the  two  beautiful  concert  arias,  K.432  (1783)  and 
K.512  (1787).  Later,  Fischer  went  to  Berlin,  where  he  remained  with  the 
State  Opera  until  18 15. 

^  Gluck's  journey  to  Paris  had  already  been  planned  for  October  1782: 
'.  .  .  the  Chevalier  Gluck,  who  has  completely  recovered  from  his  illness, 
has  decided  to  set  out  for  France  and  should  arrive  in  Paris  ia  the  month 
of  October',  the  Memoires  secretes  (XXI,  72)  reported  on  24th  August,  but 
this  is  denied  in  Cramer's  Magazin,  1, 23  8. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  KruthofFer's  handwriting : 
Replied  Paris,  19th  April  1783] 
Dearest  friend ! 

The  night-lights  and  the  pastilles  duly  arrived,  and  my  wife,  who 
sends  her  kindest  regards,  thanks  you  most  warmly  for  them.  The 
rouge  can  only  cost  12  fl.  and  the  hair-powder  15  fl.  You  will  be 
good  enough  to  take  the  money  for  aU  these  firom  Mathon's  pay- 
ment; my  wife  requires  the  powder  brown  and  the  rouge  not  pale. 
I  hope  to  thank  you  personally  for  all  the  inconvenience  I  am  caus- 
ing you,  for  I  am  really  thinking  of  coming  once  more  to  enjoy  the 
company  of  my  friends,  but  not  to  expose  myself  by  fresh  work  to 
the  critique  of  those  Marmontels  and  de  la  Harpes.  Please  to  see  to 
the  enclosed  packet;  it  came  to  me  from  you,  so  I  am  forwarding  it 
to  you  again.  I  have  the  honour,  to  be, 
Dearest  friend ! 

Your  most  humble  servant 
Gluck. 
Vienna,  28th  March  1783 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 
[In  Kruthoffer's  handwriting : 
RepHed  Paris,  i6th  August  1783] 

Vienna,  9th  July  1783 
Dearest  firiend ! 

My  Secretary's  illness  prevented  me  from  replying  to  you  earher 
and  reporting  at  once  that  my  wife,  who  sends  her  kindest  regards, 
duly  received  the  hair-powder.  She  also  hopes  to  receive  in  due 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  199 

course  rouge  which  is  suitable  for  a  brunette.  It  would  be  pre- 
sumptuous on  my  part  to  mention  Mathon's  debt  again;  you  your- 
self will  make  the  best  arrangement  you  can.  But  I  must  now 
trouble  you  for  a  fresh  favour.  Herr  Rilliet  has  cashed  my  nine 
months'  pension,  but  the  rate  of  exchange  is  so  low  here  that  I  beg 
you  to  take  over  this  money  from  him — ^he  has  already  been  in- 
formed of  this — and  send  it  to  me  bit  by  bit  in  natura  by  the 
guardsman  who  travels  from  there  monthly,  otherwise  I  would  lose 
all  too  much,  for  the  louis  d'or  here  is  worth  only  8  [florins]  and 
some  fifty  xr.^  Forgive  me  my  secatura.  Why  has  heaven  destined 
you  to  be  my  firiend?  You  know  that  you  are  seldom  left  alone, 
particularly  when  one  possesses  so  many  fme  quahties  as  you. 
I  remain  ever 
Your  most  humble  servant 
and  friend  Gluck. 
[Address :] 
ä  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 
chez  son  Excellence  Monsieur 
I'Ambass.  Imperial 
a 
Paris 

^  Internal  corruption  in  France  a  few  years  before  the  Revolution  had  led  to 
serious  monetary  devaluation.  As  a  careful  'pater  familias',  Gluck  tried  to 
offset  the  effects  of  the  devaluation  by  having  his  pension  transferred  'in 
natura ,  i.e.  in  cash,  as  the  rate  of  exchange  in  the  Viennese  banks  was 
very  low  and  would  have  meant  serious  losses.  Gluck's  pension  for  three- 
quarters  of  a  year  was  4,500  pounds  =  225  gold  louis.  According  to  the  rate 
of  exchange  at  that  time,  this  would  only  have  represented  1,912 1  florins. 


[To  Franz  Kruthoffer.  German] 

Vienna,  4th  August  1783 
Dearest  firiend ! 

Your  letter  duly  arrived  but  the  promised  rouge  has  not  come 
with  the  'Noble  Garde'  who  arrived  here,  nor  has  any  packet  ad- 
dressed to  me  reached  the  Customs,  so  I  beg  you  to  enquire  what  can 
have  gone  wrong.  Lest  we  should  incur  any  further  embarrassment 
over  the  despatch  of  the  money,  the  best  plan  will  surely  be  for  you 
to  deHver  it  to  Herr  v.  Blumendorff  addressed  to  me.^  As  regards 
the  Mathon  affair,^  I  deeply  deplore  the  fact  that  even  bills  of  ex- 
change no  longer  carry  any  weight  with  the  French  gentlemen.  My 


200  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

idea  would  be  to  take  a  'doctor'^  and  to  pay,  in  order  to  have  done 
with  the  matter  once  and  for  all.  I  have  acquired  such  a  dishke  of  the 
French  that  I  no  longer  feel  any  desire  to  see  them  in  Paris.  Perhaps 
I  will  travel  through  to  reach  London,  where  I  have  been  invited 
to  produce  the  foreign  operas  I  have  already  completed.  I  remain 
with  all  respect 

Dearest  friend ! 

Your  most  humble  servant 
Gluck. 
PS.  My  wife  sends  you  her  kindest  regards. 
[Address :] 
ä  Monsieur 

Monsieur  de  Kruthoffer 

chez  son  Excellence  Mr  1' Ambassadeur 

Imper.  et  Roy. 

a 
Paris 

^  A  brother,  resident  in  Vienna,  of  Franz  von  Blumendorf,  Head  of  Chancery 
in  the  Paris  Embassy. 

^  The  'Mathon  affair',  which  had  been  going  on  since  1779,  had  not  yet  been 
settled.  Gluck's  annoyance  at  the  publisher's  failure  to  pay  his  debts  became 
directed  against  the  whole  French  people.  He  refused  to  contemplate  another 
visit  to  Paris,  but  another  and  hitherto  unknown  plan  now  emerges:  an 
invitation  to  London  to  produce  the  foreign  operas  he  has  already  completed. 
The  offer  appears  to  have  come  from  Robert  Mac  O'Reilly,  the  Director  of 
.  Italian  Opera  at  the  King's  Theatre,  who  later  also  invited  Mozart  to  go  to 
London  for  the  first  six  months  of  1791  and  write  two  new  operas.  The  fact 
that  Gluck  seriously  thought  of  accepting  this  invitation  to  London,  which  he 
had  only  visited  once  before  in  his  early  years,  shows  how  much  vitality  the 
seventy-year-old  composer  still  possessed.  This  was  in  the  summer  of  1783, 
when  Reichardt  paid  him  a  memorable  visit  and  found  the  'old  and  extremely 
dignified  man'  still  mentally  alert.  The  following  year,  however,  Gluck  had 
another  stroke  and,  although  he  partially  recovered,  thanks  to  the  devoted 
care  and  attention  of  his  wife,  there  was  no  question  of  continuing  the 
correspondence  with  his  friends  in  Paris. 
^  i.e.  call  in  a  lawyer. 


[To  Johann  Friedrich  Reichardt.^  German] 

Vienna,  nth  November  1783 
Dearest  friend ! 

A  few  days  after  your  departure  I  suffered  an  attack  of  rheumatism 
in  the  head  and  of  catarrh,  which  still  torments  me  and  is  the  reason 
why  you  perhaps  received  the  portrait  you  asked  for  before  you 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  201 

received  my  reply  to  your  very  agreeable  letter.  I  wish  for  nothing 
so  much  as  to  be  able  to  carry  out  your  plan  next  spring,  and  to  be 
able  to  spend  some  time  in  pleasant  converse  with  you  and  Klop- 
stock.  My  wife,  who  sends  you  her  kindest  regards,  is  of  the  same 
mind  as  myself,  although  we  differed  over  your  portrait,  for  she 
wanted  me  to  meet  the  cost  on  this  occasion,  but  I  maintained  that 
one  must  not  purchase  the  applause  of  a  scholar  and  musician  by 
means  of  gifts;  so  I  prefer  to  appear  unmannerly  rather  than  base. 
Adieu,  dearest  friend. 

Your  most  sincere  servant 
Gluck. 

1  Johann  Friedrich  Reichardt  was  bom  on  25th  November  1752  in 
Königsberg  in  Prussia.  From  1771  to  1774  he  toured  Germany  and  Austria. 
In  1775  he  became  Kapellmeister  at  the  Court  of  Frederick  the  Great.  In 
1782  he  travelled  to  Italy  and  in  1785  to  Paris  and  London.  In  1791  he  was 
given  three  years'  leave  of  absence,  which  he  spent  in  London,  Copenhagen 
and  Stockholm.  In  1794  he  was  dismissed  for  having  revolutionary  sym- 
pathies. He  retired  to  his  country  estate  at  Giebichenstein  near  Halle, 
where  he  became  Inspector  of  Saltworks  in  1796.  The  years  1802  to  1803 
he  again  spent  in  Paris.  In  1 805-1 806  he  edited  the  Berlinische  musikalische 
Zeitung :  in  1 806  he  fled  to  Königsberg.  Im  808  he  became  Jerome  Napoleon's 
Kapellmeister  in  Cassel,  then  travelled  to  Vienna  to  persuade  Beethoven  to 
move  to  Cassel.  He  spent  the  remainder  of  his  hfe  at  Giebichenstein,  where  he 
died  on  27th  June  1 814.  As  a  composer  he  found  an  admirer  in  Goethe,  but  his 
many  works  are  now  forgotten.  His  writings,  on  the  other  hand,  which 
show  him  to  have  been  a  sensitive  and  highly-cultured  man,  are  amongst 
the  most  vigorous  and  attractive  contributions  ever  made  to  musical 
literature  (cf.  K.  M.  Schletterer:  J.  F.  Reichardt,  1864;  C.  Lange:  J.  F. 
Reichardt,  1902;  W.  PauH:_/.  F.  Reichardt,  1903). 

Reichardt  reported  as  follows  on  a  visit  to  Gluck  {Allgemeine  Musikalische 
Zeitung,  October  18 13):  'The  most  profitable  part  of  Reichardt's  stay  in 
Vienna  was  his  personal  visit  to  Gluck,  who  received  him  at  his  country 
house,  a  mile  from  the  city,  with  great  kindness  and  friendliness.  Reichardt's 
visit  having  been  aimounced,  he  was  invited  to  spend  the  afternoon  and 
evening.  When  he  arrived,  he  was  met  by  an  imposing  figure  in  a  grey  coat 
embroidered  in  silver,  in  full  toilet,  accompanied  by  his  domestic  staff.  The 
young  Kapellmeister,  who  arrived  in  travelling  clothes,  was  received  with 
more  dignity  and  splendour  than  he  had  expected.  They  sat  down  to 
luncheon,  which  was  served  very  attractively  but  at  which  the  hero,  weakened 
by  apoplexy  and  under  strict  supervision  by  his  careful  wife,  had  to  be  idler 
than  seemed  agreeable  to  him.  None  the  less,  the  conversation  became  and 
remained  cheerful  and  varied.  The  lady  of  the  house,  who  has  much  under- 
standing and  is  well  informed  on  many  things,  and  a  family  priest  who 
looked  after  Gluck's  correspondence  and  accounts — Gluck  was  always  very 
active  on  the  stock  market,  in  order  to  invest  and  increase  his  considerable 
fortune — ^played  an  active  part  in  the  conversation.  There  was  much  talk  at 


202  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

first  of  Klopstock  and  the  Margrave  of  Baden,  at  whose  house  the  two 
great  poets  and  artists  came  to  know,  love  and  honour  one  another.  Reichardt, 
who  had  known  Klopstock  intimately  since  early  youth  and  had  remained 
in  close  touch  with  him,  and  who  had  stayed  with  the  Margrave  of  Baden 
while  travelling  to  Italy  with  Lavater,  was  able  to  take  a  very  lively  part  iti 
the  conversation.  He  was  also  given  a  promise  that  after  the  meal  he  wouldhear 
something  from  the  Hermannsschlacht  and  some  compositions  to  Klopstock's 
Odes,  although  Gluck's  wife  anxiously  protested.  As  soon  as  coffee  had  been 
taken,  followed  by  a  brief  walk.  Gluck  did,  in  fact,  sit  down  at  the  piano  and, 
in  a  weak,  rough  voice  and  with  palsied  tongue,  accompanying  himself  with 
an  occasional  chord,  he  sang  several  of  those  original  compositions,  to 
Reichardt's  great  delight,  who  also  received  the  maestro's  permission  to 
write  down  an  Ode  to  his  dictation.  Several  times  between  the  songs  from  the 
Hermannsschlacht  Gluck  imitated  the  sound  of  horns  and  the  cries  of  the 
warriors  behind  their  shields;  once  he  broke  off  to  say  that  he  must  invent 
an  instrument  of  his  own  to  sing  to. 

'It  is  difficult  to  give  a  clear  picture  of  those  songs  and  the  exposition 
that  went  before.  They  seemed  almost  entirely  declamatory,  very  seldom 
merely  melodious.  It  is  certainly  an  irreparable  loss  that  the  artist  did  not 
write  them  down;  this  would  certainly  have  been  the  surest  way  to  appreci- 
ate the  true  genius  of  this  great  man,  for  he  was  not  on  such  occasions  bound 
by  any  conventions  of  the  modem  stage  and  singers  but  gave  free  rein  to 
his  great  genius,  deeply  imbued  by  the  same  spirit  of  the  great  poet.  Had 
it  not  been  that  love  filled  the  traveller  with  a  longing  to  see  his  fiancee,  he 
would  certainly  have  taken  advantage  of  the  noble  artist's  friendly  offer 
to  remain  longer  with  him  and  would  have  tried  to  the  best  of  his  abiUty  to 
put  these  songs  on  paper;  that  the  hero  himself,  weakened  by  age  and 
sickness,  might  do  so  was  out  of  the  question,  and  the  Viennese  atmosphere 
seemed  too  carefree  for  that. 

'Hanging  in  the  room  was  the  beautiful,  life-size  oil  painting  by  Duplessis 
of  Paris,  which  shows  the  artist  brimful  of  vitality,  heaven  in  his  eyes  and 
love  and  goodness  on  his  lips.  Reichardt  had  no  sooner  expressed  a  wish  to 
possess  a  good  and  faithful  copy  of  the  beautiful  painting  than  Gluck  readily 
promised  him  one.  Several  months  later  it  arrived  in  Berlin,  most  welcome 
and  with  an  obliging  letter  from  the  great  artist,  since  when  it  has  been  the 
finest  ornament  in  our  artist's  country  house. 

'In  the  evening  and  morning  hours  Gluck  entertained  his  guest  alone  in 
his  study  with  an  account  of  his  stay  and  his  work  in  Paris.  He  knew  Paris 
and  the  Parisians  through  and  through  and  spoke  with  real  irony  of  how, 
after  experiencing  their  narrow-mindedness  and  presumption,  he  had  treated 
and  used  them  in  his  own  grand  manner. — Many  more  such  details  from  the 
life  of  this  great  artist  must  remain  unpublished  till  the  completed  autobio- 
graphy appears. 

'Reichardt  had  to  promise  him  to  see  and  hear  his  operas  in  Paris  as  soon 
as  possible,  because  some  good  traditions  have  still  survived  from  his  former 
direction.  Gluck  was  satisfied  with  Reichardt's  judgment  of  him  and  several 
splendid  pieces  from  Alceste  in  the  art  magazine  and  took  it  as  a  good  sign 
that,  without  having  heard  them  on  the  stage,  he  [Reichardt]  had  properly 
understood  and  judged  them.  He  promised  to  give  him  an  introduction  to  his 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  203 

best  friend  and  poet,  the  Bailly  du  RouUet,  and  to  provide  him  with  many 
other  good  introductions,  as  soon  as  he  required  them,  to  ensure  that,  wliile 
in  Paris,  he  was  able  to  hear  all  the  operas  which  Gluck  had  staged  there; 
and,  even  after  a  period  of  several  years,  he  kept  his  word  and  his  friends 
have  fulfilled  his  wishes  in  all  respects  to  the  best  of  their  powers. 

'In  the  evening,  during  a  lively  conversation,  Gluck  had  promised  to  travel 
to  Vienna  with  Reichardt  the  following  morning  and  to  take  luncheon  with 
him,  to  which  he  proposed  to  invite  the  poet  Schroder  and  the  very  worthy 
Kapellmeister  Krause  from  Stockholm,  thus  arranging  a  small  and  stimulat- 
ing artists'  meal.  This  idea  seemed  to  frighten  the  solicitous  lady  of  the 
house  no  little,  and,  as  her  husband  felt  greatly  affected  by  the  unusually 
lively  events  of  the  previous  day,  which  had  included  a  walk  and  a  drive  in 
the  carriage,  she  took  care  to  frustrate  the  plan.  The  two  artists  parted  with 
feeling,  the  traveller  being  most  painfully  moved,  as  he  could  hardly  hope 
ever  to  see  his  splendid  host  again.' 


[To  THE  Bailli  du  RouLLET.  French] 

Vienna,  this  26  April  1784 
I  pray  you,  my  friend,  to  have  printed  in  the  Journal  de  Paris  a 
statement  which  I  must  make  and  which  I  make  here  and  now,  to 
the  effect  that  the  music  of  the  Danaides  is  entirely  the  work  of  M. 
Saheri^  and  that  I  had  no  part  in  it  except  to  give  advice  which  he 
was  kind  enough  to  take  from  me  and  which  my  esteem  for  him 
and  his  lack  of  experience  inspired  me  to  give. 

Chevalier  Gluck. 

^  Antonio  Salieri  was  bom  at  Legnano  on  i8th  August  1750.  In  1765  he 
became  a  pupil  at  St  Mark's  in  Venice.  In  1776  he  went  to  Vienna  with 
Florian  Leopold  Gassmann.  In  1770  his  first  opera,  Le  donne  letterate,  was 
produced  and  won  Gluck's  approval.  In  1774  after  Gassmann's  death,  he 
became  a  composer  of  chamber  music  and  Director  of  Italian  Opera.  From 
1784  to  1787  he  was  in  Paris,  where  Gluck,  who  did  much  to  advance  his 
career,  helped  him  with  introductions.  From  1788  to  1790  he  succeeded 
Bonno  as  Court  Kapellmeister  in  Vienna.  Then  he  was  suspended  by  the 
Opera  House  authorities  and  continued  only  as  Director  of  the  Court  Singers 
and  as  Court  Composer.  In  1824  he  retired.  He  died  on  7th  May  1825  in 
Vienna  [cf.  J.  Mosel:  ^.  Salieri,  1827;  A.  v.  Hermann:  yl.  Salieri,  1897]. 

The  opera  in  question  was  produced  on  5th  January  1784  under  the  title 
Hypermnestre  and  soon  after  under  the  title  Les  Danaides,  tragedie  en  cinq 
actes,  paroles  de  M"""  [the  libretto  was  by  Baron  Tschudi,  the  librettist  of 
Echo  et  Narcisse,  based  on  a  book  by  Raniero  di  Calzabigi  and  revised  by 
du  RouUet],  musique  de  M.  M.  le  Chevalier  Gluck  et  Salieri,  maitre  de  musique 
de  S.  M.  VEmpereur  et  des  spectacles  de  la  cour  de  Vienne.  Only  after  the  next 
performance  was  Gluck's  name  omitted  from  the  annovincements  [cf.  Ad. 
JuUien:  La  Cour  et  I'Opera  sous  Louis  XVI,  p.  183].  The  work  had  127 
performances  and  ran  until  7th January  1828. 


204  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[To  Valadier.^  French] 
Monsieur, 

Very  flattered  as  I  am  by  your  obliging  letter,  Monsieur,  I  am  at 
the  same  time  mortified,  that  my  state  of  health  and  my  circumstances 
do  not  permit  me  to  respond  to  your  plea  and  accede  to  your  wishes. 

I  am  absolutely  incapable  of  undertaking  any  work  whatsoever 
which  requires  apphcation  and,  as  regards  entrusting  it  to  someone 
else  under  my  direction,  this  is  always  a  most  uncertain  and  tickhsh 
affair,  which  is  subject  to  a  thousand  hazards,  the  more  so  as  he 
whom  I  might  have  had  in  mind  is  heavily  committed  with  other 
works  and  could  not  even  accept  this  commission. 

Your  piece  is  rich  in  tableaux  and  in  stagecraft  and,  as  for  the  few 
sHght  alterations  which  might  be  advisable,  we  would  require  to  be 
near  to  each  other  in  order  to  reach  an  understanding — ^it  not  being 
possible  to  perform  this  task  from  a  distance,  as  can  readily  be 
appreciated.  Since  Cora  is  your  first  dramatic  work,  I  assure  you 
that  you  have  made  a  happy  beginning,  and,  if  you  continue  to  use 
your  talents  along  those  lines,  as  I  advise,  you  can  look  forward  to 
the  most  marked  success. 

I  thank  you,  Monsieur,  for  the  gracious  feelings  you  express 
towards  me  and  for  the  good  opinion  you  have  of  me;  hoping,  as 
indeed  I  feel  sure,  that  you  will  fmd  some  composer  who  (by  his 
good  music)  will  uphold  the  beauty  of  your  opera,  which  I  herewith 
return. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with 
highest  esteem 
Monsieur 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 
Chevalier  Gluck. 
From  Vienna,  ist  May  1785 

^  Nothing  appears  to  be  known  of  Valadier's  private  life.  His  Cora 
libretto  had  been  awarded  a  prize  by  the  Academie  Royale  in  open  com- 
petition in  1783.  It  was  later  set  to  music  by  M^hul.  The  opera  had  its 
premiere  on  15th  February  1791  but  met  with  such  a  poor  reception  that  it 
was  taken  off  after  the  fifth  performance. 


[Life  Certificate.  French] 
Wc,  Emmanuel  Louis  Marquis  des  Noaüles,-*-  Marechal  des  Camps  et  Armies 
du  Roi,  Chevaher  des  Ordres  Royaux,  MiUtaires  et  Hospitahers  de  St.  Lazare 
et  de  Notrc-Dame  de  Mont-Carmel,  Gouverneur  de  Vannes  et  Aurai,  premier 
Gentilhomme  de  la  Chambrc  de  Monsieur,  Frere  du  Roi,  Ambassadeur  Extra- 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  305 

ordinaire  de  France  iprhs  de  Sa  Majeste  l'Empereur,  Roi  de  Hongrie  et  de  Boh6me, 
do  certify  to  all  whom  it  may  concern  that  Christophe  Gluck,  born  the  second 
July  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fourteen,  composer  and  Director  of  Music 
of  H.I.M.  residing  in  this  city,  rue  de  Carinthie,  paroisse  S-Etienne — is  at  present 
alive,  having  appeared  today  before  us  in  order  to  obtain  the  present  life  certi- 
ficate, which  he  has  signed  with  us.  In  token  of  which  we  have  surrendered  to  him 
this  document,  countersigned  by  one  of  our  secretaries  and  sealed  in  the  margin 
with  our  coat-of-arms. 

Made  in  Vienna  in  our  Hotel,  the  eighth  October  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-five. 

Le  Mrs.  Noailles  m.p. 

Par  son  Excellence 

La  Quiante  m.p. 
gratis,  Christophe  Gluck  m.p. 
[Outside:] 

Certified  authentic  in  Paris  twenty-ninth  October  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-five. 

S.  Rillet  m.p. 

1  Emanuel  Marie  Louis  Marquis  de  Noailles  was  born  in  Paris  in 
1743 .  He  entered  on  a  diplomatic  career  and  in  1762  was  Governor  of  Vannes, 
in  1768  Minister  Plenipotentiary  in  Germany,  then  Ambassador  in  Holland, 
and  in  1776  in  London,  from  whence  he  notified  his  Government  of  the 
aUiance  with  the  United  States.  From  1783  to  1792  he  was  Ambassador  in 
Vienna ;  then  he  returned  to  France  and  during  the  Revolution  he  was  im- 
prisoned. After  his  release  he  retired  from  pubhc  hfe.  In  1784  he  was  made  a 
Field-Marshal.  He  died  in  Paris  in  1822. 


[From  Karl  Hanke  to  Gluck.  German] 
Great,  Noble,  Excellent  Man ! 

That  I  thus  address  myself  to  YOU  on  the  occasion  of  the  production  of 
my  furst  major  musical  effort  calls,  I  hope,  for  no  apology  to  YOU. — ^Those 
unforgettable  days,  which  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  spend  in  YOUR  near 
vicinity,  thanks  to  my  late  patron,  the  worthy  Albert  Count  of  Hodiz  zu  Ross- 
walde, and  to  a  kind  introduction  from  His  Serene  Highness,  the  present  ruling 
Prince  Johann  Karl  von  Dietrichstein,  Imperial  Master  of  the  Horse,  etc.,  are 
still  alive  in  my  memory! — ^Those  days  during  which  I  came  to  admire  YOUR 
all-embracing  talents  and  so  fully  enjoyed  YOUR  soulful  harmonies  and  thought 
what  that  youth  in  the  September  month  of  the  German  Merkur  of  the  year  1776 
had  felt  so  keenly  and  so  deeply!  Those  days  that  will  always  be  memorable 
to  me,  in  which  I  listened  at  YOUR  piano  with  amazement  and  filled  with  an 
emotion  never  felt  before  to  YOU,  the  inimitable !,  and  then  to  YOUR  excellent 
and  now  departed  niece. — YOU  it  was  who  laid  and  strengthened  the  unshakeable 
foundations  of  my  pronouned  leaning  towards  the  divine  art  of  music. — If  a 
worthy  thought  ever  flowed  and  should  ever  flow  from  my  pen,  then  it  is  YOUR 
WORK  and  to  YOU  I  will  owe  it. 

Should  YOU  detect  in  this  first  effort  at  least  a  few  glowing  sparks  of  that 


2o6  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

fire,  without  which  any  work  of  art  and  any  poetry  must  remain  Hfeless  and 
ineffectual,  then  this,  together  with  the  applause  I  have  already  won  from  one 
of  the  most  perceptive  publics  of  our  fatherland  both  for  this  operetta  and  for 
the  songs  in  the  Marriage  of  Figaro,  would  inspire  me  to  still  further  efforts  in 
the  course  I  am  pursuing.  That  this  is  no  empty  boast  is  clear  from  my  earlier 
works,  such  as  Dr  Faustus  Leibguertel,  a  comic  opera  in  2  acts  after  Rousseau  and 
Myhus  by  my  friend,  Dr  D 'Arien  of  Hamburg,  whose  talents  have  long  been 
recognised  both  in  dramatic  and  in  musical  poetry  and  more  recently  in  the  afore- 
mentioned songs  for  the  Marriage  of  Figaro,  and  such  as  a  GREAT  ROMANTIC 
OPERA  Xaphire,  which  the  latter  also  undertook  to  adapt  to  my  design.  In  this 
way  I  will  continue  to  strive  to  be  ever  more  worthy  of  the  honour  of  being  a 
pupü  of  the  greatest  musician  in  Germany  and  worthy  of  the  applause  of  con- 
noisseurs with  taste  and  perception. 

YOU,  however,  GREAT  MAN !  may  YOU  long  continue  to  be  the  orna- 
ment and  pride  of  Germany  and  her  music.  I  beg  YOU  always  to  look  upon  me 
with  YOUR  inestimable  and  friendly  benevolence  and  to  recall  often  and  with 
love  one  who  never  thinks  of  YOU  without  reverence 

YOUR 

eternally  most  humble 
Karl  Hanke 
Written  at 

Hamburg,  27th  February  1786 
[Address :] 
An  Herrn  Ritter  Gluk  zu  Wien 

^  Karl  Hanke  (1754-1835)  was  from  1775  to  1779  Kapellmeister  of  Count 
Hoditz-Rosswalde  and  married  the  singer  Stormkin  (died  1789),  with  whom 
he  appeared  in  various  theatres.  In  1786  he  was  Court  Kapellmeister  in 
Schleswig,  in  1792  he  went  to  Flensburg  as  Cantor  and  Director  of  Music 
and  finally  he  became  Director  of  Music  at  Hamburg,  where  he  remained 
until  his  death.  His  operetta  Robert  und  Hannchen  was  first  produced  in 
Warsaw  in  1781  and  was  presented  in  Vienna  in  1786. 


[Last  Will.  German] 
As  nothing  is  more  certain  than  death,  but  the  hour  of  it  is  un- 
certain, I,  the  undersigned,  being  of  sound  mind,  have  made  my  last 
will  and  testament,  as  follows: 

1.  I  commend  my  soul  to  the  infinite  mercy  of  God,  but  my 
body  shall  be  consigned  to  the  earth  in  accordance  with  Christian- 
CathoHc  custom. 

2.  I  bequeath  25  florins  for  50  high  Masses. 

3.  I  bequeath  to  the  Poorhousc  i  florin,  to  the  general  hospital 
I  florin,  to  the  civic  hospital  i  florin,  to  the  Elementary  School 
Fund  I,  altogether  4  florins. 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  207 

4.  To  each  of  the  domestics  still  in  my  service  at  the  time  of  my 
death  I  bequeath  a  year's  wages. 

5.  I  leave  it  entirely  to  the  discretion  of  my  sole  heiress  vv^hether 
she  chooses  to  give  anything  to  my  relatives^  or  not;  and 

6.  As  it  is  fundamental  to  any  wiU  that  a  sole  heir  be  appointed, 
I  hearwith  name  as  my  sole  and  universal  heiress  my  beloved  wife 
and  consort,  M.  Anna  v.  Gluck  nee  Bergin,  and  in  order  that  no 
doubt  may  arise  concerning  the  silver  and  jewellery,  as  to  whether 
it  be  the  property  of  myself  or  my  wife,  it  shall  therefore  belong  to 
the  goods  I  endow.  Furthermore,  should  this  my  last  will  not  be  ac- 
cepted as  a  testament,  then  I  wish  it  to  serve  as  a  codicil  or  the  hke. 
Finally  I  name  my  highly-esteemed  cousin,  Joseph  von  Holbein,^ 
Imperial  Privy  Councillor,  as  Executor  of  this  my  testament  and 
bequeath  to  him  a  snuffbox  as  a  memento.  In  witness  and  confirma- 
tion whereof  I  append  my  name  and  seal  and  those  of  outside 
witnesses. 

Made  this  2nd  April  1786 

in  Vienna  Christoph  v.  Gluck. 

[Outside:] 

Kristoph  von  Gluck 

Antonius  Riedl,  Notary  and  advocate^  at  Court 

of  Exchange  as  oral  witness 
Joseph  von  Baltech,*  (likewise) 
Joseph  von  Strohlendorf  ^  as  oral  witness 
Joseph  de  Rosa^  (likewise) 

^  Gluck's  relatives  were:  Christoph  Anton,  bom  1716,  Maria  Anna  Rosina, 

bom  171 8,  married  name  Hedler,  died  1760  (1761?),  Franz  Anton  Ludwig, 

bom  1720,  died  circa  1799  as  Chief  Forester  in  Prague,  Franz  Karl,  bom 

1722,  gamekeeper  in  Baumgarten  (Lower  Austria),  Anna  Ehsabeth,  born 

1725,  Heinrich  Joseph,  bom  1727,  Felix  Matthes,  bom  1732,  and  Franz 

Johann  Alexander,  bom  1734,  died  1795,  who  was  a  weighing  official  in  the 

Com  Exchange  in  Vienna  and  lived  at  306  Erdberggasse. 

2  Joseph  Holbein  von  Holbeinsberg  was  a  Director  of  Lotteries. 

^  Antonius  Riedl  lived  at  534  GundUiof. 

*  Nothing  is  known  of  Joseph  Baltech. 

^Joseph    von    Strohlendorf   (1765-1855),    a   well-known   Viennese 

character  who  had  become  closely  associated  with  the  theatre  and  could 

be  found  daily  at  the  Cafe  Daum. 

^Joseph  Rosa  (correct  name  Roos)  (1726-1805)  was  Director  of  the 

Imperial  Picture  Gallery,  lived  in  the  Schloss  Belvedere  and  was  a  friend  of 

the  Mozart  family. 


2o8  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[Deed    of   Sale    with    Antonia    Freifrau    von    Gudenus. 

German] 
Whereas  I,  the  undersigned,  have  today  duly  received  in  cash,  and 
have  duly  acknowledged  receipt  of,  the  sum  of  6,200  fl.,  say  six 
thousand  two  hundred  gulden,  from  the  High-  and  Well-born 
Freifrau  Antonia  Freiin  von  Gudenus  nee  Freiin  von  Kronburg 
through  her  attorney  Herr  Johann  David  Schmid,  this  being  in 
payment  for  the  purchase  from  me  of  the  house  and  garden  at 
Partholdstorf  in  the  Knappenstrasse  number  175,  recorded  in  the 
Monserat  land  register,  together  with  the  furniture  and  fittings 
therein,  as  laid  down  in  contracts  of  purchase  and  sale  of  9th  June 
1787;  I  do  herewith  solemnly  declare  that  I  have  no  hesitation  in 
giving  the  Freyherrliche  Frau  possession  of  the  aforementioned 
dwelling,  but  on  the  other  hand  do  promise  without  further  written 
communication,  to  indemnify  the  relevant  land-register  in  every 
respect,  in  witness  whereof  I  and  the  witnesses  named  below,  though 
these  last  without  prejudice  or  damage,  have  appended  our  signa- 
tures. Vienna,  9th  June, 


787 


Christopf  V.  Gluck 
Joseph  V.  Strohlendorf 
summoned  as  witness 
Johann  David  Schmid 
as  oral  witness. 


[To  Johann  Christoph  Vogel.^  French] 

Vienna,  3rd  August  1787 
Monsieur, 

I  have  received  through  M.  Saheri  a  copy  of  your  frrst  opera,  the 
Golden  Fleece,^  which  you  wished  to  do  me  the  honour  of  dedicating 
to  me.  My  eyes  no  longer  permit  me  to  read;  M.  Saheri  gave  me  the 
pleasure  of  listening  on  the  harpsichord  to  this  music  which  I  find 
worthy  of  the  praises  it  has  evoked  in  Paris.  It  is  the  dramatic  talent 
which  shines  above  all  other  qualities  and  it  is  on  this  that  I  con- 
gratulate you  with  all  my  heart.  It  is  a  talent  that  is  all  the  more  rare 
because  it  derives  not  from  experience  but  from  nature.  The  same 
M.  Saheri  has  also  told  me  all  that  he  had  heard  in  praise  of  your 
second  work;^  may  it  add  to  your  reputation  as  much  as  I  would 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  209 

wish  and  make  you  the  most  famous  of  artists.  It  is  with  these  senti- 
ments that  I  pray  you  to  beheve  me. 
Your,  etc. 

Signed,  Gluck. 

^Johann  Christoph  Vogel  was  bom  in  Nürnberg  on  17th  March 
1756.  In  1776  he  went  to  Paris  and  became  an  admirer  of  Gluck.  As  a  result 
of  dissolute  living,  he  died  an  early  death  on  26th  June  1788  in  Paris.  Apart 
from  his  two  operas,  a  number  of  instrumental  works  were  published. 
2  His  first  opera  La  Toison  d'Or  (libretto  by  Philippe  Desriaux),  after 
lying  dormant  for  ten  years  in  the  Opera  House  archives,  was  produced  on 
5th  September  1786.  In  February  1787  it  appeared  in  print. 
^  His  second  opera  Demoophon  (libretto  by  Desriaux,  based  on  Metastasio), 
as  the  composer  had  died,  was  not  produced  until  22nd  September  1789 
after  the  work  of  the  same  name  by  Luigi  Cherubini,  which  was  presented 
on  ist  November  1788. 


SUPPLEMENT 

[I.  Nanette  Gluck:  Declaration  for  Fr.  G.  Klopstock] 
I,  the  undersigned,  sorceress  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  as  also  of  the  Unholy 
Gallic  Empire,  do  hereby  declare  and  testify  that  I  have  promised  and  do  promise 
Klopstock  that  as  soon  as  I,  arch-sorceress,  have  returned  to  the  arch-city  of  the 
arch-house  called  Vienna  and  have  spent  there  three  days  and  three  nights  con- 
secutively to  recover  breath  from  my  journey,  that  I  will  despatch  to  him  at  once, 
without  delay,  and  without  further  procrastination:  i.  the  aria  in  which  Orpheus 
calls  after  Euridice,^  2.  the  aria  in  which  Alceste  calls  after  her  children;^  and  that 
under  each  of  these  arias  I  will  set  down  a  few  words  which  shall  contain,  inasmuch 
as  words  can  contain,  the  manner  and  method,  nature  and  essence,  and,  as  it  were, 
the  finer  points  of  my  magical  discourse  on  music,  so  that  the  aforesaid  Klopstock 
for  his  part  can  send  back  these  my  words  together  with  the  arias  to  his  niece  in 
Hamburg,  who,  he  alleges,  is  also  a  victim  of  sorcery. 
Made  in  Rastatt  on  17th  March  1775 

Nanette  Gluck. 

^  The  aria  'Che  faro  senzaEuridice'. 
^  The  aria  *Ah  per  questo  gia'. 

[II.  Nanette  Gluck  to  Abbe  Arnauld.  French] 
You  will  be  surprised  to  receive  a  letter  from  your  little  Chinese  girl,  but,  as 
Papa  has  been  indisposed  and  had  to  be  bled,  he  asked  me  to  write  to  you  and 
tell  you  that  he  is  very  anxious  to  hear  from  you  and  to  know  if  you  are  well 
pleased  with  the  performance  of  Orpheus.  .  .  . 
Marianne  Gluck 

Papa  and  Mama  send  a  thousand  fond  regards. 
This  letter  remained  unanswered.    This  is  clear  from  Gluck's  letter  to 
Abbe  Arnauld  of  12th  May  1775.   [cf.  p.  61]. 


210  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

[III.  Marianne  Gluck  to  F.  A.  de  Lasalle.^  French] 
Monsieur, 

Your  heart,  ever  open  to  friendship  for  my  husband.  Gluck,  will  not  refuse  to 
share  the  grief  in  which  I  have  just  been  plunged  by  his  death.  Impelled  by  duty 
and  by  feeling  to  inform  you  of  his  death,  allow  me,  Monsieur,  to  unburden 
myself  to  you  of  the  pain  that  weighs  so  heavily  upon  me,  by  describing  in  detail 
the  final  disaster  that  befell  my  beloved  husband. — On  Wednesday,  the  fourteenth 
of  this  month,  while  we  were  driving  in  the  carriage  between  midday  and  one 
o'clock,  he  was  seized  at  my  side  by  an  attack  of  'apoplexie  sereuse'.  He  was  bled 
and  appeared  to  recover  completely;  but  on  Thursday  a  second  attack  robbed 
him  of  all  power  of  speech  and  sight  and  paralysed  his  left  side.  The  same  day, 
15  of  this  month,  at  a  quarter  past  seven,  he  expired.  It  is  from  a  heart  filled  with 
grief  and  tears  that  I  now  thank  you,  Monsieur,  in  his  name  for  all  the  marks  of 
affection  that  you  displayed  to  him,  assuring  you  for  my  omti  part  of  the  deep 
gratitude  I  owe  you. 

Convinced  as  I  am  of  your  probity.  Monsieur,  I  venture  to  beg  you  to  set  the 
seal  upon  it  and  to  be  good  enough  to  give  me  your  advice.  The  favours  which 
France  and  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  in  particular  heaped  upon  my  late  husband 
will  always  be  deeply  engraved  upon  my  heart  and  I  will  carry  the  memory  of 
them  to  the  tomb,  as  he  has  done.  For  that  reason  I  hesitate  to  throw  myself  at 
Her  Majesty's  feet  to  entreat  her  to  let  the  effects  of  the  favour  with  which  she 
honoured  the  husband  fall  upon  the  wife.  Have  the  goodness,  therefore,  Monsieur, 
to  help  me  with  your  advice  and  to  direct  my  actions  in  the  most  grievous  circum- 
stances in  which  it  has  pleased  heaven  to  place  me.  Could  one  reproach  the  grief- 
stricken  widow  of  Gluck  for  going  to  the  source  of  his  fame,  for  asking  the  French 
to  give  substance  to  the  hopes  which  she  had  attached  to  their  generosity?  The 
trickery  of  which  we  have  several  times  been  the  victims  forces  me  to  take  this 
cruel,  hard  step.  I  hope  to  receive  from  you.  Monsieur,  some  enUghtment  on  this 
point.  I  hope  you  will  condescend.  Monsieur,  to  express  your  feelings  to  me 
openly  and  sincerely.  You  will  thereby  multiply  the  reasons  for  the  esteem  and 
gratitude  which  for  a  long  time  past  have  been  felt  by 

Your  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant 

ve.  Gluck  n^e  de  Bergen. 
Monsieur 

Vienne  ce  18  pbre  1787 
Allow  me.  Monsieur,  to  convey  to  Madame  de  la  Sale  my  deepest  respects. 

^  The  addressee  was  presumably  the  philosopher  Francois  Antoine  de 
Lasalle  (1754-1829). 


[IV.  Marianne  Gluck  to  Johann  Friedrich  Reichardt  (f).  German] 
High  and  nobly  bom 
Especially  most  honoured  Herr  Kappelmeister 

Hard  as  it  is  for  me  to  think  of  the  death  of  a  husband  whom  I  so  deeply  loved, 
it  is  a  comfort  for  me  to  speak  with  liis  friends.  Dearest  Herr  Kappelmeister, 
Gluck,  the  man  you  esteemed  so  highly,  is  no  more.  Death  took  him  from  me  on 
the  15  th  of  this  month  after  two  attacks  of  apoplexy  and  plunged  me  in  grief 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  211 

and  melancholy.  The  friendship  which  you  have  always  shown  towards  us  is 
assurance  enough  for  me  of  your  share  in  my  loss. 

I  thank  you  once  more  for  your  friendship  in  the  name  of  my  late  husband  and 
am  with  highest  esteem 

Your  High  and  Nobly  Born's 
humble  servant 
von  Gluck  nee  von 
Bergen 
Vieima  20tla  November  1787 

[V.  Marianne  Gluck  to  J.  F.  Reichardt.  German] 
Highly  and  Nobly  Bom 
Especially  esteemed  Herr  Kappelmeister 

Your  comforting  letter  bears  all  the  imprint  of  your  feeling  and  your  friend- 
ship. Thanks  to  you,  respected  friend,  and  warm  thanks  to  your  wife  for  all  the 
beautiful  and  agreeable  things  you  write  to  me.  May  you  be  rewarded  by  Almighty 
God,  with  whom  my  Gluck  now  is. 

Much  as  I  would  like,  worthy  man,  much  as  I  would  like  to  meet  your  wishes 
concerning  the  compositions  of  my  late  husband,  I  regret  I  cannot.  Only  the 
following  am  I  able  to  send  you.  Gluck  was  bom  on  the  3rd  July  1714.  The  history 
of  his  childhood,  youth  and  adolescence  is  quite  unknown  to  me;  moreover,  it 
would  lie  heavily  upon  my  heart  to  revive  an  image  which  was  so  dear  to  me,  the 
image  of  his  years  of  manhood,  whose  subject  is  no  longer  with  us. 

I  pray  you,  estimable  Herr  Kappelmeister,  to  convey  my  appreciation  to  your 
wife  and  to  believe  that  I  remain  with  highest  respect 
Highly  and  Nobly  Bom 
Herr  Kappelmeister 
Your 
Grateful  Servant 
Von  Gluck  nee 
de  Pergin  [sic] 
Vienna  29th  X*"'^  1787 

[VI.  Antonio  Salieri  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 
[In  KJruthoffer's  hand : 
Replied  23  February  1788 

enclosing  a  letter  from  M""  Lasalle 

and  another  from  Mile  Le  V[asseur]  to  M'^  Gluck] 

This  4th  January  1788  Vienna 
Monsieur, 

Madame  Gluck,  highly  sensible  of  your  good  heart  and  of  the  trouble  you  are 
still  willing  to  take  in  the  affair  of  Mons.  Mathon,  has  asked  me  to  thank  you  a 
thousand  times  on  her  behalf.  Monsieur,  and  to  inform  you  that  she  was  about  to 
order  the  procuration  for  which  you  asked  in  this  connection  but  that  her  lawyer 
has  impressed  upon  her  the  necessity  for  a  formula,  without  which,  he  has  said, 
something  indispensable  to  the  laws  of  the  country  might  be  omitted,  so  giving 
rise  to  fresh  chicanery. 

She  therefore  begs  you.  Monsieur,  to  have  the  goodness  to  send  either  to  her 


212  The  Collected  Correspondence  and  Papers 

or  to  me  the  formula  required  by  the  advocate,  on  which  the  procuration  will 
then  be  drawn  up  and  in  the  meantime  she  asks  you  to  excuse  the  double  incon- 
venience. 

Having  carried  out  my  commission,  I  also  have  the  honour  to  present  my 
compliments  and  to  be 

Monsieur 

Your  very  humble  and 
very  obedient  servant 
Ant.  SaUeri 
[Address :] 
A  Monsieur 
Monsieur  de  KruthofFer 
Secretaire  de  S.E. 
Comte  Mercy  Ambassadeur 
de  S.M.  I'lmpereur 
Paris 

[VII.  Antonio  Salieri  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French] 

8  th  March  1789,  Vienna 
Monsieur, 

It  was  destined,  it  seems,  that  the  affair  of  Mons.  Gluck  should  not  end  as  we 
have  for  so  long  wished. 

Last  year,  when  you  had  the  goodness  to  send  me,  at  the  request  of  Mons. 
I'advocat  de  Haim,  the  model  of  the  procuration,  I  first  called  upon  Mad.  Gluck 
to  take  the  testament  of  Mons.  Gluck  which  Mons.  de  Haim^  had  asked  for, 
and  also  to  have  a  copy  of  it  forwarded  to  you  in  Paris  with  the  procuration, 
something  he  considered  necessary  to  remove  all  obstacles.  The  testament  was 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  advocate  in  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  heir.  Mad.  Gluck; 
this  advocate  falls  ill;  Mons.  de  Haim  asks  me  for  the  model  of  the  procuration 
and  agrees  to  speak  himself  to  the  sick  advocate  which  proved  to  be  a  friend  of  his. 
I  beg  him  to  advise  me  as  soon  as  everything  has  been  arranged;  he  promises. 
Several  months  pass  without  my  hearing  anything  further.  Finally,  Monsieur, 
when  your  last  letter  obhged  me  to  speak  once  more  about  this  affair  to  Mad. 
Gluck,  who  had  changed  her  advocate  and  prevented  Mons.  de  Haim  from 
acting,  I  received  the  testament  from  her.  But  when  I  then  thought  that  in  this 
way  I  would  also  obtain  the  procuration,  Mons.  de  Haim  could  no  longer  find  the 
model  and  said  that  without  this  formula  he  could  do  nothing  more  that  would 
be  valid  in  Paris. 

When  Mad.  Gluck  heard  that  you  would  have  to  be  asked  once  more  to  send 
the  model  of  the  procuration  to  Vienna,  she  told  me  to  ask  you,  on  the  contrary, 
to  take  no  further  trouble  in  an  affair  which  was  begun  badly  by  Mons.  Gluck 
himself  and  for  which,  as  the  expenses  involved  after  so  long  a  period  would  most 
probably  leave  only  an  insignificent  sum  remaining,  she  could  no  longer  allow 
you  to  be  further  inconvenienced.  She  thanks  you  a  thousand  times.  Monsieur,  and 
hopes  to  be  able  to  show  the  gratitude  she  feels  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  in 
the  past  and  for  your  goodwill. 

I  thank  you  also.  Monsieur,  for  the  news  you  have  sent  me  of  the  new  Italian 
opera.  I  wish  those  who  are  launching  it  all  possible  success,  but  I  find  it  hard  to 
beheve  that  Italian  opera  buffa  as  presented  in  Italy  could  survive  long  in  Paris; 


of  Christoph  Willibald  Gluck  213 

the  themes,  the  plan,  the  tempo  and  the  language  of  all  these  operas  are  in  bad 
taste,  very  often  dishonest  and  in  consequence  quite  anti-Parisian. 

1  do  not  give  up  hope  of  returning  to  Paris  for  the  third  time  at  some  future 
date  with  a  new  work^  wliich  I  have  already  commenced  for  the  Op^ra  theatre. 
I  hope  to  be  able  to  fulfil  my  wish,  in  order  to  have  once  again  the  opportunity 
to  tell  you  in  person  how  proud  I  am  to  be 

Monsieur 
Your  very  humble 
and  very  obedient 
Servant 
Salieri 

^  FoRTUNAT  Joseph  von  Haimhofen,  Notarius  Publicus  and  advocate 
at  the  Court  of  Exchange  in  Vienna,  Untere  Brenner  Str.  1 155. 

2  The  two  operas  produced  in  Paris  were  Les  Danaides  and  Tarare  (libretto 
by  P.  A.  Caron  de  Beaumarchais),  which  had  its  premiere  on  8th  June 
1787  and  ran  for  131  performances  up  to  1826.  Salieri's  third  opera  was 
produced  at  the  Theatre  de  Monsieur  on  15th  March  1790:  La  grotta  di 
Trofonio  (libretto  by  G.  B.  Casti)  with  two  arias  by  Luigi  Cherubitii  which 
had  already  been  performed  in  Vienna  in  1785.  Other  operas  by  SaHeri 
were  presented  in  Paris  in.  subsequent  years:  on  20th  May  1791  La  Scuola  de 
gelosi  (libretto  by  C.  Mazzola),  which  had  its  premiere  in  Venice  in  1778, 
and  on  29th  May  1792  in  the  Theatre  Feydeau  La  locandiera  scaltra  (libretto 
by  D.  Poggi,  based  on  a  work  by  C.  Goldoni)  with  contributions  by 
Cherubini.  This  opera  had  already  been  performed  at  the  Burgtheater  in 
Vienna  in  1773. 

[VIII.  Antonio  Saliesi  to  Franz  Kruthoffer.  French\ 

Vieima,  25  th  July  1789 
Monsieur, 

Madame  Gluck,  whose  health  compels  her  to  make  only  short  journeys,  asked 
me,  on  passing  through  Pressburg,  to  forward  to  you  in  Paris  the  attached  pro- 
curation, drawn  up  on  the  model  which  you,  Monsieur,  were  kind  enough  to 
send  a  second  time. 

She  was  ashamed  that  she  had  failed  to  reahze  or  perhaps  forgotten  after 
so  long  a  time  the  expenses  you  have  incurred  on  behalf  of  the  late  M.  Gluck  and 
hopes  either  that  the  affair  in  question  may  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible  or  that  you 
will  suggest  some  other  way  by  which  she  can  meet  her  obligation  to  you. 

I  have  also  been  charged  to  thank  you  and  Monsieur  de  Blumendorff  for  the 
flattering  reception  you  gave  to  her  recommendation  with  regard  to  Monsieur 
de  Strohlendorf,  and  she  wishes  to  have  an  early  opportunity  of  reciprocating  so 
much  honesty. 

With  Madame  Gluck's  compliments.  Monsieur,  I  beg  you  to  accept  and  to 
transmit  to  Monsieur  de  Blumendorff  the  respectful  homage  of  one  who  has  the 
honour  to  be 

Monsieur 
Your  very  humble 
and  obedient 
Servant 

Salieri 

C.G.-P 


APPENDIXES 


THE   SOURCES 


IMBÄ= Internationales  Musiker-Brief-Archiv,  Berlin 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source[s) 

Source  used 

8/14  Jan.  1749 

Württemberg  State 

E.  H.  Müller;  Angelo 

Facsimile 

Archives,  Stuttgart 

und  Ptetro  Mingotti, 
Dresden  191 7.  p.  93 

IMBA 

3  Dec.  1748 

Württemberg  State 

E.  H.  Müller;  Angelo 

Autograph 

Archives,  Stuttgart 

und  Ptetro  Mingotti, 
Dresden  1917.  p.  90 

3  Sept.  1750 

Stadtarchiv,  Vienna 

Jahrbuch  des  Vereins  für 
Geschichte  der  Stadt 
Wien,  1953,  vol.  X, 
1953-  p-  237 

Autograph 

June  1763 

Unknown 

S.  Favart:  Memoires  et 
Correspondence  littiraire 
II,  114 

Favart 

16  Dec.  1767 

Unknown 

Alceste.  Score  1769 

Score 

31  Dec,  1769 

Walter  Hinrichsen, 

— 

Facsimile 

Lombard,  111.,  USA 

IMBA 

30  Oct.  1770 

Unknown 

Paride  ed  Elena.  Score 
1770 

Score 

Feb.  1773 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France  Feb. 

Mercure  de 

1773 

France 

I  Aug.  1772 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France  Oct. 

Mercure  de 

1772 

France 

Jan.  1773 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France  Jan. 

Mercure  de 

1773 

France 

14  Aug.  1773 

Unknown 

Lappenberg :  Briefe  von 
und  an  Klopstock.  1867 

Lappenberg 

26  Oct.  1773 

Nationalbibliothek, 

L.  Nohl:  Musiker-Briefe, 

Facsimile 

Vienna 

Leipzig  1867.  p.  19 

IMBA 

(after)  10  May 

Unknown 

Iphiginie  en  Aulide. 

Score 

1774 

Score  1774 

10  July  1774 

Bibliotheque  Nationale, 

— 

Facsimile 

Paris 

IMBA 

(before)  2  Aug. 

Unknown 

Orphie  et  Eurydice. 

Score 

1774 

Score  1774 

II  Aug.  1774 

Archiv  de  I'Opera,  Paris 

— 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

16  Aug.  1774 

Archiv  de  I'Op^ra,  Paris 

— 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

5  Nov.  1774 

Steiermark.  Landes- 
Archiv,  Graz 

— 

Autograph 

217 


2l8 


Appendixes 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source{s) 

Source  used 

1775 

Archiv  de  I'Opera,  Paris 

— 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

9  March  1775 

Formerly  Coll.  Revel, 
Paris-^  Unknown 

— 

Copy  IMBA 

25  March  1775 

Formerly  Coll.  Revel, 
Paris->  Unknown 

— 

Copy  IMBA 

28  March  1775 

Formerly  Coll.  Revel, 
Paris->-  Unknown 

— 

Copy  IMBA 

31  March  1775 

Biblioth&que  Nationale, 

— 

Facsimile 

Paris 

IMBA 

15  April  1775 

Formerly  Heyer-Museum, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

(to  KruthofFer) 

Köln-^  Unknown 

1927.  p.  13 

15  April  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

(to  Marchand) 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

21  April  1775 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

30  April  1775 

Unknown-^  Copy  in 
Bibliotheque  Nationale, 
Paris) 

Copy  IMBA 

12  May  1775 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

La Revue  S.LM.  June 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

1914,  p.  2 

IMBA 

30  May  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

Die Musik,  1914  vol.  52, 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

p.  10 — Kinsky,  p.  15 

IMBA 

24  June  1775 

Deutsche  Staatsbibliothek, 

— 

Facsimile 

Berlin 

IMBA 

I  July  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

La Revue  S.LM.  June 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

1914,  P-  3 

IMBA 

19  July  1775 

Bibiotheque  Nationale, 

Facsimile 

Paris 

IMBA 

31  July  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

Die Musik,  1914  vol.  52, 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

p.  II 

IMBA 

14  Oct.  1775 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

La Revue  5.7. M.June 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

1914,  p.  6 

IMBA 

ID  Nov.  1775 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

22  Nov.  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

La Revue  5.7.  M.June 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

1914,  P-  7 

IMBA 

29  Nov.  1775 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

Die Musik,  1914  vol.  52, 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

p.  13 — Kinsky,  Glucks 
Briefe  p.  18 

IMBA 

2  Dec.  1775 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

13  Dec.  1775 

Biblioth&que  du  Con- 

La Revue  S.7.M.  June 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

1914,  p.  9 

IMBA 

31  Dec.  1775 

Formerly  Heyer-Museum, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

Köln->  Unknown 

1927.  p.  19 

31  Jan.  1776 

Biblioth^ue  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

servatioire,  Paris 

IMBA 

Appendixes 


219 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source{s) 

Source  used 

10  May  1776 

Landesbibliothek, 

— 

Facsimile 

Dresden 

IMBA 

30  June  1776 

Formerly  Heyer-Museum, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

Köln->  Unknown 

1927.  p.  20 

13  July  177Ö 

Unknown 

Ausxvahl  Denkwürdiger 
Briefe  v.  C.  M.  Wieland 
1815,  p.  315 

Wieland 

July/ August  1776 

Unknown 

L'Annee  Litteraire  vol. 

L'Annee 

Vn,  p.  322  1776 

Litthiare 

7  Aug.  1776 

State  Archives,  Weimar 

— 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

14  Aug.  1776 

Unknown 

Metra:  Correspondence 
Secrete,  vol.  III.  p.  280 

Metra 

29  Aug.  (1776) 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->-  Unknown 

1927.  p.  20 

30  Sept.  1776 

Coll.  K.  Geigy- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe. 

Autograph 

Hagenbach,  Basel 

1927.  p.  23 

31  Oct.  1776 

Bibliotheque  Nationale, 

— 

Facsimile 

(to  Arnaud) 

Paris 

IMBA 

31  Oct.  1776 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

(to  KruthofFer) 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927.  p.  25 

Nov.  1776 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France,  Nov. 

Mercure  de 

1776 

France 

Sept.  1776 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France 

Mercure  de 

Sept.  1776 

France 

15  Jan.  1777 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927.  p.  26 

3 1  Jan.  1777 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln-^  Unknown 

1927.  p.  27 

3  March  1777 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln— >  Unknown 

1927.  p.  28 

30  March  1777 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln— >  Unknown 

1927.  p.  29 

Oct.  1777 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  12  Oct. 

Journal  de 

1777 

Paris 

5  Oct.  1777 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Politique  et 

Journal  de 

Litterature,  5  Oct.  1777 

Politique 

(before  i6th  Oct. 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  16  Oct. 

Journal  de 

1777) 

1777 

Paris 

(Oct.  1777) 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  21  Oct. 

Journal  de 

1777 

Paris 

(before  23  Oct. 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  23  Oct. 

Journal  de 

1777) 

1777 

Paris 

16  Nov.  1777 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

I. G.  Prod'homme, 

Facsimile 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

Ecrits  de  Musiciens, 
Paris,  1912,  p.  419 

IMBA 

(28  Dec.  1777) 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  28  Dec. 

Journal  de 

1777 

Paris 

220 


Appendixes 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source(s) 

Sources  used 

12  Jan  1778 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  12  Jan. 

Journal  de 

(to  Gluck) 

1778 

Paris 

12  Jan.  1778 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  12  Jan. 

Journal  de 

(to  Amateurs) 

1778 

Paris 

2  March  1778 

Formerly  Coll.  Westley 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe. 

Kinsky 

Manning,  London 

1927.  p.  29 

-^Unknown 

16  March  1778 

Steiermärkisches  Landes- 
Archiv,  Graz 

— 

Autograph 

I  April  1778 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 

— 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

17  June  1778 

Bibhotheque,  Nantes 

Gluck:  Iphigenie  en 

Facsimile 

Tauride,  Score.  Ed., 

IMBA 

Pelletan,  1874 

?    1778 

BibUotheque  du  Con- 

—■ 

Facsimile 

(Gossec  to 

servatoire,  Paris 

IMBA 

Guillard) 

28  June  1778 

Coll.  R.  Ammann, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

Aarau 

1927,  p.  30  ^ 

IMBA 

15  July  1778 

Unknown 

L' Amateur  d'autographes 

Facsimile 

1864,  p.  24 

IMBA 

29  July  1778 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln-^  Unknown 

1927,  p.  32 

29  Aug.  1778 

Bibhotheque  du  Con- 

Die Musik,  1914,  vol. 

Facsimile 

servatoire,  Paris 

52,  p.  14 — ^Kinsky, 
Glucks  Briefe,  p.  33 

IMBA 

4  Sept.  1778 

Bibhotheque  Nationale, 

— 

Facsimile 

Paris 

IMBA 

15  Sept.  1778 

Unknown 

Mercure  de  France, 

Mercure  de 

15  Sept.  1778 

France 

26  Sept.  1778 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  34 

30  Sept.  1778 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  37 

5  Oct.  1778 

Unknovm 

Mercure  de  France, 

Mercure  de 

5  Oct.  1778 

France 

I  Nov.  1778 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  38 

II  Nov.  1778 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  38 

22  Feb.  1779 

Unknown 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

5  May  1779 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 
um,  Köln->  Unknown 

— 

Copy  IMBA 

(before  15  May 

Unknown 

Iphiginie  en  Tauride, 

Score 

1779) 

score,  1779 

8  June  1779 

Bayerische  Staatsbiblio- 

L. Nohl:  Musiker- 

Facsimile 

thek,  Munich 

Briefe,  1867,  p.  52 

IMBA 

Appendi 


txes 


221 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source{s) 

Source  used 

6  Oct.  1779 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  12  Nov. 

Journal  de 

1779 

Paris 

31  Oct.  1779 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  40 

30  Nov.  1779 

Unknown 

Isographie  des  Hommes 

Isographie 

(to  Gersin) 

Celebres,  1837 

30  Nov.  1779 

Unknown 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

(to  Kjruthofier) 

1927,  p.  41 

IMBA 

6  Dec.  1779 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  43 

13  Dec.  1779 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köhi->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  44 

31  Dec  1779 

Library  of  Congress, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

Washington 

1927,  p.  42  ^ 

IMBA 

?        1779 

Mus6e  de  Mariemont 

L' Amateur  d'autographes. 

Facsimile 

1864,  p.  24 

IMBA 

(1779?) 

Unknown 

Almanack  des  Muses 

Almanack 

(J.DorattoGluck) 

1 

1780 

des  Muses 

29  Dec.  1779 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->-  Unknown 

1927,  p.  45 

4  Jan.  1780 

Formerly  Heyer  Muse- 

Kinsky: Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Kö]n->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  46 

19  Jan.  1780 

Staatsbibhothek, 

Facsimile 

Munich 

IMBA 

31  Jan.  1780 

Sibley  Musical  Society, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

Eastman  School  of  Music 

1927,  p.  45 

IMBA 

Rochester,  New  York 

10  Feb.  1780 

Staatsarchiv,  Weimar 

Die  Musik,  1923,  p.  652 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

2  March  1780 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köin->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  48 

18  March  1780 

Coll.  Louis  Koch,  Aarau 

Desnoiresterres:  Gluck 

Facsimile 

et  Piccini,  1872,  p.  289 

IMBA 

31  March  1780 

Coll.  Francois  Lang, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Autograph 

Royaumont 

1927,  p.  49 

29  April  1780 

Formerly  Coll.  K. 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

Geigy-Hagenbach,  Basle 

1927,  p.  50 

IMBA 

—>  Unknown 

10  May  1780 

Unknown 

Leipziger  Neueste  Nach- 

Facsimile 

richten,  II  July  1914 

IMBA 

30  May  1780 

Unknown 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

1927,  p.  51 

IMBA 

30  June  1780 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln— >■  Unknown 

1927,  p.  53 

30  July  1780 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p-  53 

4  Aug.  1780 

Unknown 

Desnoiresterres:  Gluck 

Desnoire- 

etPiccinni, 1872,  p.  291 

sterres 

222 


Appendixes 


Letter 

Autograph 

Printed  Source{s) 

Source  used 

20  Aug.  1780 

Archiv  de  I'Opera,  Paris 

— 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

30  Aug.  1780 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln-^  Unknown 

1927,  p.  54 

30  Sept.  1780 

Metropolitan  Opera, 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

New  York 

1927,  p.  55 

31  Oct.  1780 

Stadtbibliothek,  Leipzig 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

1927,  p.  56 

IMBA 

29  Nov.  1780 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  P-  57 

3  Jan.  178 1 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln— >•  Unknown 

1927,  p.  58 

31  Jan.  1781 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  P-  59 

28  March  1781 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kiasky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

um,  Kö]n->-  Unknown 

1927,  p.  60 

IMBA 

I  May  1781 

Unknown 

Klinsky :  Glucks  Briefe, 

Facsimile 

1927,  p.  61 

IMBA 

II  May  1781 

Unknown 

Bachaumont:  Mimoires 

Mimoires 

Secretes,  30  May  1781 

Secretes 

19  June  1781 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  62 

21  Aug.  1781 

Staatsarchiv,  Weimar 

Die  Musik,  1923,  p.  653 

Facsimile 
IMBA 

2  Nov.  1 78 1 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  63 

30  Nov.  1781 

Formerly  Westley 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

Manning,  London 

1927,  p.  64 

-^Unknown 

30  Dec.  1781 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln— >  Unknown 

1927,  p.  67 

17  April  1782 

Archiv  de  I'Opera,  Paris 

Revue  Musicale, 

Facsimile 

I  April  1907 

IMBA 

22  Feb.  1783 

Memorial  Library  of 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

Music  at  Stanford 

1927,  p.  67 

University,  U.S.A. 

28  March  1783 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  69 

9  July  1783 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  Köln->  Unknown 

1927,  p.  70 

4  Aug.  1783 

Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 

Kinsky:  Glucks  Briefe, 

Kinsky 

um,  KöLn-^Unknown 

1927,  p.  71 

II  Nov.  1783 

Unknown 

Zeitschrift  für  Musik- 
wissenschaft, 1924,  vol. 

VI,  p.  351 

Copy  IMBA 

26  April  1784 

Unknown 

Journal  de  Paris,  16  May 

Journal  de 

1784 

Paris 

I  May  1785 

Unknown 

— 

Copy  IMBA 

Appendixes 


223 


Letter 

Life  Certificate 

27  Feb.  1786 

Will 

9  June  1787 

3  Aug.  1787 


Autograph 

Unknown 

Unknown 


Stadtbibliothek,  Vienna 
Coll.  Louis  Koch,  Aarau 
Unknown 


Printed  Source{s) 


Source  used 
Copy  IMBA 
Hanke 


Hanke:  Robert  u.  Hann 

chert,  Klavierauszug, 

1786 

Schmid:  Chr.  W.  Rr.  v.     Autograph 

Gluck,  1854,  p.  473 

—  Facsimile 

IMBA 
Journal  de  Paris  Journal  de 

3  Oct.  1787  Paris 


SUPPLEMENT 


17  March  1775 
I  April  1775 


18  Sept.  1787 
29  Oct.  1787 

20  Nov.  1787 

4  Jan.  1788 

8  March  1789 

25  July  1789 


Unknown 


Formerly  Heyer-Muse- 
um,  Köln->  Unknown 


StadtbibUothek,  Vienna 
Internationales  Musiker- 
Brief-Archiv,  Berlin 
Coll.  Louis  Koch,  Aarau 

Bibliotheque  du  Con- 
servatoire, Paris 
Bibliotheque  du  Con- 
servatoire, Paris 
Bibhotheque  du  Con- 
servatoire, Paris 


Marx:  Gluck  und  die  Marx 

Oper.  II.  p.  143 

Henrici/Liepmannssohn,     Henrici 
Musiker-Autographen  aus 
der  Sammlung  Wilh. 
Heyer  in  Köln,  1928, 
Part  rV,  No.  124 

—  Autograph 

—  Autograph 

—  Facsimile 
IMBA 

—  Facsimile 
IMBA 

—  Facsimile 
IMBA 

—  Facsimile 
IMBA 


INDEXES 
These  indexes  do  not  include  material  in  the  Foreword  or  Source  List 


Alphabetical  Index  to 

THE  Persons 

Addressed 

Academic  Royale 

1775 

51-2 

Kruthoffer,  Franz 

31  Mar  1775 

55-7 

de   Musique 

[statement  by] 

10  Nov  1775 

72-3 

[pro  memoria  on 

4  Sept  1778 

140 

Gluck's  agree- 

Saurin, Bernard 

28  Dec  1777 

126 

ments  with] 

Suard,Jean 

before 

109-24 

'Amateurs',  the 

Jan  1778 

127 

Baptiste  An- 

23 Oct  1777 

Arnaud,  Abbe 

12  May  1775 

61-2 

toine 

Fran9ois 

3 1  Jan  1776 

79-80 

Wieland, 

1 3  July  1776 

82-3 

31  Oct  1776 

92-3 

Christoph 

1 5  July  1778 

135-8 

Martin 

Arnaud,  Ahh6 

Goutard,  Freiherr 

1779 

168-9 

Fran9ois  [from] 

Jacob  von 

Gluck,  Nanette 

[n.d.] 

209 

Gudenus,  Freifrau 

9 June  1787 

208 

Bachaumont,  Louis 

II  May  1781 

189-90 

Antonia 

Petit  de 

[deed  of  sale  with] 

Bergin,  Maria  Anna 

3  Sept  1750 

20-1 

Guülard,  Nicolas 

i7june 1778 

130-3 

(Gluck) 

Francois 

[marriage  contract 

1 

Guillard,  Nicolas 

Dalberg,  Freiherr 

8  June  1779 

163-4 

Franfois  [from] 

Wolfgang  Heribert  19  Jan  1780 

172 

Gossec,  Fran9ois 

1778 

133-4 

Depuis,  Madame 

6  Oct  1779 

164 

Joseph 

Framery,  Nicolas 

Nov  1776 

93-Ö 

Journal  de  Politique 

Etienne 

de  Litterature  [from 

] 

Francoeur,  Francois 

20  Aug  1780 

1 8 1-2 

Laharpe,Jean 

5  Oct  1777 

101-7 

Fries,  Baroness 

16  Nov  1777 

124-5 

Frangois  de 

Aimavon 

Kaunitz-Rietberg, 

3  Jan  1770 

25-6 

Gersin  (vaudevilHst) 

30  Nov  1779 

165 

Prince  Wenzel 

Gluck,  Christoph 

Anton 

Willibald 

Klopstock,  Friedrich 

14  Aug  1773 

44-5 

last  will] 

2  Apr  1786 

206-7 

Gottlieb 

24 June  1775 

63-4 

life  certijScate] 

29  Oct  1785 

204-5 

10  May  1776 

80-1 

marriage  con- 

3 Sept  1750 

20-1 

10  May  1780 

177-8 

tract] 

Kruthoffer,  Franz 

Gluck,  Christoph 

[power  of  attor- 

9 Mar  1775 

52-3 

WiUibald  [from] 

ney  for] 

15  Apr  1775 

57-9 

'Amateurs',  the 

[n.d.] 

126-7 

30  May  1775 

62-3 

d' Olivet,  Antoine 

16  Oct  1777 

107-8 

3 1  July  1775 

67-9 

Fabre 

29  Nov  1775 

74-5 

Dorat,  Claude 

[n.d.] 

169-70 

31  Dec  1775 

79 

Joseph 

30  June  1776 

81-2 

Fabre.  See 

29  Aug  1776 

89-90 

d'Olivet 

30  Sept  1776 

90-2 

Favart,  Charles 

June  1763 

21-2 

31  Oct  1776 

93 

Simon 

1 5  Jan  1777 

96-7 

Francoeur, 

4  Aug  1780 

181 

3 1  Jan  1777 

97 

Francois 

30  Mar  1777 

98-9 

Hanke,  Karl 

27  Feb  1786 

205-6 

2  Mar  1778 

127-8 

Herder,  Johann 

5  Nov  1774 

50-1 

28 June  1778 

134-5 

Gottfried 

20  July  1778 

138 

Klopstock, 

16  Mar  1778 

128-9 

29  Aug  1778 

138-40 

Friedrich  Gott- 

26 Sept  1778 

140-1 

lieb 

30  Sept  1778 

141-2 

225 


226 


Indexes 


KruthofFer,  Franz — 

I  Nov  1778 

161 

Mathon  de  la  Cour, 

5  May  1779 

162 

(contd.) 

31  Oct  1779 

164-5 

Charles  Joseph 

30  Nov  1779 

166 

[contract  with] 

31  Dec  1 779 

167-8 

Mercure  de  France 

Feb  1773 

30-2 

3 1  Jan  1780 

172 

['Lettre  de  M. 

15  Sept  1778 

142-53 

2  Mar  1780 

173-4 

Marmontel  ä  M. 

31  Mar  1780 

175-6 

de  la  Harpe'] 

29  Apr  1780 

176-7 

['Lettre  sur  les 

Jan  1773 

35-44 

30  May  1780 

178-9 

proprietes 

3oJune 1780 

179-80 

musicales  de  la 

3oJuly  1780 

180 

langue  fran9aise'] 

30  Aug  1780 

182-3 

Mercure  de  France 

30  Sept  1780 

183-4 

[from] 

31  Oct  1780 

184-5 

Framery,  Nicolas 

Sept  1776 

94-6 

29  Nov  1780 

185-6 

Etienne 

3jani78i 

186 

Marmontel,  Jean 

15  Sept  1778 

142-53 

3ijani78i 

187-8 

Francois 

28Mari78i 

188-9 

Suard.J.B. 

5  Oct  1778 

153-60 

I  May  1781 

189 

Vienna 

I  Aug  1772 

32-5 

2  Nov  1781 

192-3 

Mercy-Argentau, 

II  Aug  1774 

48-9 

30  Nov  178 1 

193-4 

Count 

16  Aug  1774 

49-50 

3oDeci78i 

195 

Palissot,  Charles 

18  Mar  1780 

174-5 

22  Feb  1783 

196-8 

Paris  Opera  Orches- 

14 Aug  1776 

88-9 

28  Mar  1783 

198 

tra,  Musicians  of 

9  July  1783 

198-9 

Peters,  Antoine  de 

28  Mar  1775 

53-5 

4  Aug  1783 

199-200 

[agreement  with] 

Kruthoffer,  Franz 

Pirker,  Franz 

Jan  1749 

19-20 

[from] 

Joseph  Karl 

Calin,  Carlo 

19 June  1781 

190 

Reichardt,  Johann 

II  Nov  1783 

200-3 

Gluck,  Nanette 

17  Mar  1775 

209 

Friedrich 

[declaration  by] 

Reichardt,  Johann 

Peters,  Antoine  de 

19 July  1775 

69 

Friedrich  [from] 

Roullet,  Francois 

II  Nov  1778 

161 

Gluck,  Marianne 

20  Nov  1787 

210-11 

Louis  Gaud 

29  Nov  1787 

211 

Leblond,  Bailly 

Roullet,  Francois 

I  July  1775 

64-7 

du 

Louis  Gaud 

14  Oct  1775 

69-72 

Salieri,  Antonio 

4jan  1788 

211-12 

Leblond,  Bailly 

22  Nov  1775 

73-4 

8  Mar  1789 

212-13 

du 

2  Dec  1775 

75-7 

25 July  1789 

213 

13  Dec  1775 

77-9 

Tschudi,  Baron 

6  Dec  1779 

166-7 

July/Augi776  83-7 

von 

13  Dec  1779 

167 

26  Apr  1784 

203 

29  Dec  1779 

1 70-1 

Sachsen- Weimar, 

10  Feb  1780 

173 

4  Jan  1780 

171 

Grand  Duke  Kari 

21  Aug  1781 

191 

Laharpe,  Jean 

Oct  1777 

99-101 

August  of 

Fran9ois  de 
Lasalle,  Francois 
Antoine  de  [from] 
Gluck,  Marianne 

Suard,  Jean 
Baptiste  Antoine 

Oct  1777 

108-9 

18  Oct  1787 

210 

Toscana,  Grand 

16  Dec  1767 

22-5 

Louis  XVI,  King 

10  May  1774 

46-7 

Duke  Leopold  of 

Marchand,  M.  Le 

Valadier,  M. 

I  May  1785 

204 

(publisher) 

(librettist) 

[contract  with] 

10 July  1774 

47 

Valentin,  M. 

17  Apr  1782 

195-6 

15  Apr  1775 

59 

(Director  of 

Marchand,  M.  Le 

Music,  AiguUon) 

[from] 

Valgay,  Anne  Pierre 

I  Apr  1778 

129-30 

Kruthoflfer,  Franz 

30  Apr  1775 

60-1 

Jacques  Vismes  de 

22  Feb  1779 

162 

Marie  Antoinette, 

before 

47-8 

Vismes,  de.  See 

Queen 

2  Aug  1774 

Valgay 

before 

162-3 

Vogel,  Johann 

3  Aug  1787 

208-9 

18  May  1779 

Christoph 

Martini,  Father 

26  Oct  1773 

45-6 

Wieland,  Christoph 

7  Aug  1776 

87-8 

Grambattista 

Martin 

Index  of  Gluck's   Works  Mentioned  in  this  Book 


AMETTAS 

—  'Amour  en  ces  lieux '  (1780),  17211. 

—  'Quandlabeautelance'  (1780),  17211. 

BAILET 

Don  Juan  {1761),  10 
II  conuito  d'Alessandro  (1765),  12 
L'orfano  della  Chine  (1774),  12 
The  Romans  {1776),  89 
Semiramide,  11 

BALLET-OPERA 

Cythere  assiegee  (1775),  13-14,  5811.,  6on. 

—  Quartet  and  Chorus  'l^i  mille  plaisirs', 
6on. 

MOTETS 

—  'Almaesedeslaeta  pads',  15 

—  'Voces  cantate',  15 

ODES 

Der  Jüngling    (Klopstock)    (1775),    45n., 

17411. 
Die  frühen    Gräber    (Klopstock)    (1775), 

I74n. 
Die  tote  Clarissa  (Klopstock)  (1780),  178 
Hermannsschlacht  {Klopstock),  15,  202n. 
Odes  (Klopstock),   15,  44-5,   I72n.,   173, 

I74n. 
Schlachtgesang  (Klopstock)  (1774),  i74n. 
Wir  und  Sie  (Klopstock)  (1774),  I74n. 

OPERAS  (arranged  in  chronological  order) 
Artaserse  (1741),  4-5 
Demofoonte  {1742),  5 
Cleonice  {1742),  5 
Tigrane  {1743),  5 
Ipermestra  {1744),  5,  8 
Ippolito  (1744),  5 
Poro  (1744),  5 
Sofonisba  {1744),  5 
Le  Nozze  d'Ercole  e  d'Ebe  (1747),  7 
Semiramide  riconosciuta  {1747),  7,  8, 6on. 
£^10(1751),  8, 10 
Issipile  {17 $2),  9 
La  Clemenze  di  Tito  (1752),  9 
Leanest  {17  S4),g 
L'innocenza  giustificata   (with   Durazzo), 

(1755),  9 
Antigono{i7s6),  9 
II  repastore  (1756),  10, 6on. 
Lafausse  eslave  (1758),  10 
Vile  de  Merlin  (1758),  10 
Cythkre  assiegee  (1759),  10,  13-14,  52,  53, 

54-5,  60,  64-5,  67-8,  69,  70,  75,  78,  89, 

98 

—  Quartet  and  chorus  'l^i  mille  plaisirs', 
6on. 


L'arbre  enchante  {17  S9),  10, 13 

Le  Diable  ä  qtiatre  (1759),  10 

L'ivrogne  corrige  {1760),  10 

Le  cadi  dupe  ( 1 76 1 ) ,  10 

Orfeo  ed  Euridice  (1762),  10,  13,  16,  22n., 
27-8,  33-5.  45,  47,  52,  56,  83,  85,  87n., 
9on.,  99n.,  100,  104-5,  106,  115-16,  124, 
I28n.,  143, 148, 149, 159, 169,  I77n.,  209 

—  Aria  'Che  faro  senza  Euridice',  27,  290., 
209n. 

Trionfo  di  Clelia  (1763),  10 

La  rencontre  impreuue  (1764),  10,  78n.,  79n. 

La  corona  {Der  Kranz),  1 1 

Ilparnasso  confuso  (1765),  11 

Telemacco  (1765),  11 

Alceste  (1767),  12,  14,  27,  28,  29,  44,  45n., 
52,  58n.,  61,  65-7,  70,  71,  73-4,  75,  77, 
79,  83,  84-s,  89-90,  91,  92,  94,  95,  96n., 
98,  99n.,  102,  105,  118,  122,  124,  135-8, 
143-9,  168-9,  17411.,  177-8,  191,  I92n., 
193,  1940.,  202n.,  209 

—  Aria  'Ah  per  questo  gia',  209n. 

—  Chorus  'Pleure  o  patrie,  o  Thessalie', 
136 

Prologo {1767),  II,  131-2 
La  Vestale  {1768),  12 
L'innocenza  giustificata  (1768),  12 
Le  Feste  d' Apollo  {176g),  12 
Paride  e  Elena  (1770),  12,  28,  29,  6on.,  94, 
96n.,  168 

—  Aria  'Di  Scordamo',  94 

Iphige'nie  en  Aulide  (1774),  12-13,  15,  30, 
31,  46,  51-2,  54,  55,  56,  59,  6on.,  67,  68, 
73,  75,  83,  90n.,  99n.,  102,  104,  105, 
115-16,  118,  120,  122,  124,  I32n., 
133-4,  140,  143.  149.  159,  162,  163,  164, 
169,  I70n.,  I7in.,  179,  i84n.,  i87n.,  189, 
192, 193,  I94n. 

—  Air  'Divinite  des  grandes  ames',  130 

—  Chorus  'Contemplez  ces  tristes  apprets', 

131 
Le  Poirier  ou  L'Arbre  enchante  (1775),  89, 

90n. 
Ro/flHi  (not  completed)  (1776),  14-15 
Armide  (1777),  14,  74,  77,  80,  84-5,  91, 

99n.,  ICD,   106,  112-22,  124-5,  126-7, 

128,  149,  i62n.,  i84n. 

—  Aria  'Je  ne  triomphe  pas  du  plus 
vaiUant  de  tous'  (Armide),  115 

—  Chorus  'Plus  on  connoit  1' Amour',  102 

—  Chorus  'Poursuivons  jusqu'au  trepas 
I'ennemi  qui  nous  offense',  102,  119-20 

—  Monologue  'Enfin  il  est  en  puissance' 
(Armide),  103, 115 

—  Monologue  'Plus  j'observe  ces  lieux' 
(Armide),  102, 113 

—  Scene  'Le  perfide  Renaud  me  fuit', 
126-7 


227 


228 


Indexes 


Echo  et  Narcisse  {1779),  15,  134,  13811.,  162, 

165,  166-7,   168,   169,   170,   171,   175, 
17711.,  179,  iSon.,  181,  182,  i89n.,  20311. 

—  Overture,  166 

—  Aria  'Rien  dans  la  nature'  (Amor),  166, 
i67n. 

—  Chorus  'A  I'ombre  de  ces  bois  ^pais', 

166,  i67n. 

—  Chorus  'Hymne  ä  I'amour',  168 

—  Chorus   'Le   Dieu   de  Paphos   et   de 
Guide',  i68n. 

Les  Danaldes  (with  Salieri)  (1784),  15 
Dardanus  (1784),  96n. 

PASTICCIOS 

Arsace  (i743),  5 
Artamene  (1746),  6 


La  caduta  deigiganti  (1746),  6 
Lafinta  schiava  (1746),  7 

PASTORAL 

Ladanza{i7ss)>9 

REUGIOUS  MUSIC 

De profundis (1785)'  I5 
Domine,  Dominus  Noster,  1 5 
Miserere,  15 

SERENADE 

La  Contesa  dei  Numi  (1749),  8 
Tetide  (1760),  10 

SINFONIA 

Sittfonia  to  Paride  edElena  (1770),  58 


General  Index 


Abbeville,  6711. 

Abert,  Hermann,  yin.,  1240. 

Adagio  and  Allegro  for  mechanical  organ  in 

F  minor,  K.594  (Mozart),  I39n. 
Adamberger,  Valentin,  I93n. 
Adele  de  Panthieu,  yyn. 
Adlerbeth,  Gudmund  Goran  von,  i64n. 
Aetieid,  116 
Aelius  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassos,  39,  40, 

44n. 
Afflisio  (Affligio),  Giuseppe,  25, 26n. 
Agostini,  Aima,  I37n. 
Aix-en-Provence,  I52n. 
Albani,  Cardinal  Legate  A.,  9 
'Alcandro,   lo   confesso',    K.512   (Mozart), 

I98n. 
Alceste  (Calzabigi),  30 
Alcide  al  bivio  (Hasse),  10 
Alessandro    nelle    Indie    (Lampugnani),     6; 

(Metastasio),  5 
Algarotti,  Conte  Francesco,  104,  loyn.,  120, 

I24n. 
Allgemeine  Musikalische  Zeitung,  20in. 
Almanack  des  Spectacles  de  Paris,  I74n. 
Altamura,  93n. 

Althan,  Count  Gundaker  von,  4 
Altwiener  Musikstätten,  7411. 
Abdnger,  Johaim  Baptist  von,  15,  I94n. 
Amadie,  37 

'Amateurs',  the,  126-7 
Amacis-Buonsollacci,  Anna  Lucia  de,  136 
Anderson,  Emily,  46n. 
Andre,  Johann,  88n. 
Anfossi,  Pasquale,  86n. 
Angela  andPietro  Mingotti  (Asow),  I9n. 
Angiolini,  Gasparo,  10, 11, 12,  78n. 
Angouleme,  Duchess  Marie  Ther^se  Char- 
lotte of,  135 
Anhalt,  Count  Johann  Albrecht  von,  139 
Annales   politiques,    civiles    et    litteraires    du 

XVIIIe  siede,  1S6 
Annais  of  Queen  Anne  (Boyer),  I9n. 
Antigono  (Galuppi),  6 
Antincachus,  3  on. 
Antonius  {Widznd),  87 
Antony  and  Cleopatra  (Shakespeare),  83,  88n. 
Antwerp,  6 
Apelles,  121 

Archbald  (Archibald)  (EngHsh  doctor),  166 
Ariosto,  119 
Armide  {Luü.y),  31 
Arnaud,  Abbe  Francois,  13,  14,  61-2,  70,  71, 

74.  77.  79-80,  82n.,  92-3,  124,  135-6,  170, 

209 
Arnould,  Madeleine  Sophie,  77n,,  89 
Artaria  &  Co.,  45n.,  I74n.,  I94n. 
Artaserse  {Vinci),  142,  i52n.,  154. 


Arteago,  Stefano,  24n.,  29n. 

Artois,  Count,  94n. 

Asow,  Mueller  von,  I9n. 

Aspelmayer,  Franz,  58-9n. 

Astaritta,  Gennaro,  24n. 

Atys  (Piccinm),  174 

Austria,    Archduchess    Maria    Amalia    of, 

I36n. 
Austria,    Archduke    Ferdinand  Karl  Anton 

of,  I36n. 
Austria,  Archduke  Maximilian  of,  13 
Aversa,  I07n. 

Babbi,  Cristoforo,  I37n. 

Bach,J.  C,  I36n.,  159,  i6on. 

Bach,  J.  C.  F.,  5in. 

Bach,J.  S.,  i6on. 

Bach-Jahrbuch  {SchüiKmarm),  5 in. 

Bachaumont,  Louis  Petit  de,  31-2,  189-90 

Baden,  Margrave  of,  205n. 

Bailly  du  Roullet.  See  RouUet 

Balbech,  Joseph,  207 

Barbe  bleue,  6211. 

Bardic  Songs  (Denis),  45 ;  (Mozart),  45n, 

Bari,  86n. 

Barre,  Georg  von,  58n. 

Bartolomei,  Giuseppe,  I37n. 

Bavaria,  Archduchess  Maria  Josepha  of,  11 

Bavaria,  Prince  Maximilian  Joseph,  Elector 

of,  7 
Bavaria,  Princess  Antonia  Walpurgis  of,  7 
Bavarian  War  of  Succession,  127 
Beaumarchais,  P.  A.  Caron  de,  2i3n. 
Beaume,  Antoine  Gilbert  Griffet  de  la,  40, 

44n. 
Beaumesnil,  Mile,  170-1, 182 
Beccheroni,  Gaspera,  8, 19 
Beethoven,  20 in. 
Bellasis.E.,  24n. 

BeUestat,  Jean  Baptiste  de,  157,  i6on. 
BeUeviUe,  i6on. 

Belloy,  P.  Laurent  Buirette,  io8n. 
Beloselsky,  Prince  Alexander,   142,    144-5, 

154-5,  i59-6on. 
Bemetzrieder,  Anton,  157,  i6on. 
Bender,  Johann  Blasius,  25 
Beni,  Isabella,  I37n. 
Berching,  3 
Berchtholdsdorf,  74n. 
Berenice,  119 
Bergedorf,  I52n. 
Bergin,  Joseph,  8, 2in. 
Bergin,  Maria  Theresia  {n^e  Chini),  21 
Berlin,   26n.,   44,   64n.,   69n.,   7in.,    I24n., 

I98n.,  202n. 
Bernard,     Pierre    Joseph   Justin    (Gentil-), 

I52n. 


C.G.-Q 


229 


230 


Indexes 


Bemasconi,  Antonia,  192-311. 

Bertati,  2911. 

Berti,  Antonio,  I37n. 

Berton,  Pierre  Montan,  14,  60,  62,  65,  68, 

69,    71,    74,    78,    81,    91,    93,    137,    179, 

181 
Besannen,  I09n. 
Bibbiena,  Cardinal,  29n. 
Bibbiena,  Marietta,  29n. 
Bibliography    of   the    Works    of    Gluck,    A 

(Hopkinson),  58n. 
Bicetre,  89n. 
Birkenstock,   Joharm  Melchior  Edler  von, 

Ö9 
Bitonto,  93  n. 

Blancherie,  dela,  175,  I76n.,  193 
BlumendorfF  (brother  of  Franz),  187,  199, 

200n. 
BlumendorfF,  Franz  von,  57,  58n.,  63,  68,  75, 

79,  81,  82,  89,  90,  93,  97,  135,  139,  142, 

165,  166,  167,  174,  175-6,  179,  184,  186, 

i87n.,  188, 190, 197,  20on.,  213 
Bodenburg,  Joseph,  i29n. 
Boggi,  Teresa,  I37n. 
Boileau,  36,  44n. 

Bojardo,  Matteo  Maria,  119,  I24n. 
Bologna,  10,  29n.,  33,  35n.,  46n.,  135-6 
Bonne fille,  La,  148,  I53n. 
Bonnet,  G.-E.,  87n. 
Bonneval,  Michel  de,  89n. 
Bonno,  Kapellmeister,  203 
Bononcini,  150 

Book  of  Airs  (Marchand),  54,  56 
Bordeaux,  6on. 
Bort,  67n. 

Bossuet,  Jacques  Benigne,  S.J.,  155,  i6on. 
Böttcher,  S.E.,88n. 
BoufFonist  party,  13 

Bourbon,  Ferdinand  von,  12, 135,  I36n. 
Bourbon,  Isabella  of,  10 
Boyer,  I9n. 

Braganza,  Duke  Don  Giovaimi  di,  27-30 
Brancas,  Due  de.  Count  of  Lauraguais,  9on., 

174 
Brescia,  I23n. 
BricqueviUe,  E.  de,  62n. 
Brockmann,  Johann  Franz  Hieronymus,  128, 

I29n. 
Brussels,  6,  i87n. 
Brutus,  51 
Brutus  (J.  C  .F.  Bach),  5in.;  (Cicero),  30n.; 

(Herder),  50-1. 
Bruyere,  Charles  Antoine  Le  Clerc  de  la, 

I52n. 
Bruyere,  Jean  dela,  iii,  i23-4n. 
Brux,  7 

Bückeburg,  510. 
BufFon,  70 

Bureau  du  Journal  du  musique,  I28n. 
Burg  Bellcstat,  i6on. 
Burgundy,  Duchess  of,  röon.,  i7in. 
Burney,  Charles,  29n. 


Caen,  12411. 

Calais,  6 

Calin,  Carlo,  138,  139,  142,  165,  166,  167, 

172, 190, 192 
Calzabigi,  Giovanni  Antonio,  24n. 
Calzabigi,  Ranieri  Simone  Francesco  Maria, 

10,    12,   23,   24-5n.,   30,   66,    104,    i87n., 

i88n.,  203n. 
Cambini,    Giovanni    Giuseppe,    88,    89n., 

126-7 
Campan,  M.   de  (valet  de  chambre  de  la 

Reine),  129, 13  on. 
Campra,  Andre,  148, 149,  I52n. 
Canterbury,  6 
Canton,  Florent,  78n. 
Canziani,  Giuseppe,  I37n. 
Capece,  Sigismondo,  1 1 
Caraccioh,  Domenico,  86n. 
Caractere  des  langues  andennes  comparees  avec 

languefrangaise,  Du  (Amaud),  93  n. 
Caracteres    de    Theophraste  .  .  .    (Bruyere), 

12411. 
Caratides,  M.,  118, 12411. 
Carracci,  Hannibal,  121 
Casanova,  24n. 
Cassel,  20 in. 
Casti,  G.  B.,  2i3n. 

Castor  et  Pollux,  143, 148,  I52n.,  I79n. 
Caumartin,  de  (Paris  merchant),  167,  170, 

172 
CavaUi,  Francesco,  I36n. 
Cecchini  nubile  {La  buonofigliuola),  86n. 
Cephale  et  Procris  ou  V Amour  conjugal,  159, 

i6on. 
Cesena,  Conti  de,  I23n. 
Chabanon,  Michel  Paul  Gui  de,  35n.,  65, 67n. 
ChantiUy,  72n.,  I24n. 
Chartres,  I32n. 
Chastelloux,  Marquis  Fran9ois  Jean  de,  103, 

I07n. 
Chateau  Cirey,  77n. 
Chateau,  Mile  du,  I27n. 
Chateauneuf,  MUe  de,  78 
Chermanini,  Tommaso,  I37n. 
Cherubini  (BeUasis),  24n. 
Cherubini,  L.  (Hohenemser),  240. 
Cherubini,  Luigi,  2411.,  209n.,  2i3n. 
Christian,  Crown  Prince,  8 
Christianborg,  96n. 
Christiania,  8 
Ciaria,  Magia,  29n. 
Cicero,  3on.,  35,  36,  I24n. 
Cid,Le,  142, 143,  I52n. 
Cinna,  119, 142,  i52n. 
Claudinecon  Villa  Bella,  88n. 
Clementi,  19411. 
Cleopatra  (Goethe),  87 
Closson,  E.,  62n. 
Cocchi,  Gesualda,  I37n. 
Code  de  Musique  (Ranieau),  1 57 
Coignet,  Horace,  I53n. 
Colonic,  La,  95,  107, 148,  I53n. 


Indexes 


231 


Coltellini,  Marco,  11,  24ti. 

Compiegne,  49 

'Concerto  des  Amateurs',  öyn.,  72n.,  izyn. 

'Concerts  spirituels',  7211.,  ySn.,  i6on.,  1960., 

i97n. 
Concin,  Franz  Xaver  von,  21 
Conti,  Abbate  Antonio  I.,  in,  I23n. 
Conti,  Prince,  72n. 
Contucci,  Carlo,  isyn. 
Copenhagen,  7-8,  i9n.,  64n.,  20in. 
Cora   (Dalberg),    163,    i64n.;    (Neumann), 

i64n.;  (Valadier),  204 
Corancey,  Olivier  de,  184,  i85n. 
Corelli,  36,  37 
Corino,  G.  G.,  5 
Corneille,  Pierre,  12,  85,  86n.,  119,  142,  144, 

I52n.,  154,  i6on. 
Correggio,  121 
Correspondance  Utteraire,  löyn. 
Cortegiani,  Girol.,  I37n. 
Cortona,  2411. 

'Cosl  dunque  tradisci',  K.432  (Mozart),  I98n. 
Costa,  Giuseppe,  I37n. 
Coudebec,  13  on. 

Cour  et  VOpira  sous  Louis  XVI,  La,  203n. 
Cramer,  i88n.,  I93n.,  I97n.,  I98n. 
Crema,  5 

Critica  teatrale,  La,  24n. 
Croismare,  Marquis  Marc  Antoine  Nicolay 

de,  i67n. 
Cumberland,  Duke  of,  6 
Curz,  I37n. 
Curzon,  H.  de,  62n. 
Czemhorsky,  Bohuslav,  4 

Dalberg,  Freiherr  Wolfgang  Heribert  von, 

163-4, 172 
d' Alcaron,  Juan,  i6on. 
d'Alembert,  M.,  112, 143 
Dalfucco,  Elisabetta,  I37n. 
Danaides,  Les  (Salieri),  15, 67n.,  i87-8n.,  203, 

2i3n. 
Danaides  (Hypermnestra),  Les  (Calzabigi),  15, 

i87n. 
Dardanus,  143,  I52n. 
Dauvergne,  Antoine,  6on.,  72n.,  I79n. 
Dead  Clarissa  (Klopstock),  178 
Deherain,  M.,  53-5 

DeW  opera  in  tnusica  trattato  (Planelli),  93n. 
Dell'  origine  e  delle  regole  della  musica  (Exi- 

meno),  I23n. 
Demetrio  (Metastasio),  5 
Demoophon    (Cherubini),     209n. ;     (Vogel), 

208-9 
Demos  Paeania,  i6on. 
Demosthenes,  35, 155,  i6on. 
Denis,    Father  Johannes   Michael   Cosmas, 

44, 45n. 
Denkmaler  der  Tonkunst  in  Oesterreich,  ign. 
Depuis,  Mme,  164 

d'Escherny  (von  Fries),  Anna,  26n.,  I25n. 
Deslauriens  (publisher),  i62n. 


Dcsriaux,  Philippe,  209n. 

d'Este,  Maria  Beatrix,  I36n. 

Destouches,  Cardinal  Andre,  148, 1520. 

Devin  du  Village,  Le,  32n.,  41,  43,  48 

Deym,  Count,  I39n. 

Diary  of  a  Musical  Journey  (Burney),  290. 

Dictionnaire    de    Musique   (Rousseau),    32n., 

114,  116,  157 
Diderot,  i6on. 

Didone  abbandonata,  142,  I52n.,  154 
Die  Entführung  aus  dem  Serail,  K.384  (Mozart), 

I98n. 
Die  Gunst  der  Fürsten,  I29n. 
Die  Israeliten  in  der  Wüste,  i68n. 
Die  Musik  (Krauss),  I9n. 
Dietrichstein,  Prince  Johann  Karl  von,  205 
Dijon,  i6on. 

Dissertazio  sopra  il quesito  .  .  .  (Cesena),  i23n. 
Dissertazione    su    le   poesie    drammatiche    del 

Sig.  Abate  Petro  Metastasio  (Calzabigi),  240. 
Dissertazione  sulla  musica  imitativa  (Conti), 

I23n. 
Dittes,  I78n. 
Divertissements  for  Cy there  assiigee  (Berten), 

6on. 
d' Olivet,  Antoine  Fahre,  107-8 
Dominicino,  121 
Donne  dispettose,  Le,  8ön. 
Donne  letterate,  Le,  203  n. 
Dorat,  Claude  Joseph,  169-70 
Dorotei,  Luigi,  i37n. 
Doublet,  Mme,  I90n. 
Dover,  6 

Dr  Faustus  Liebguertel,  206 
Dresden,  7, 141,  I52n.,  I59n. 
Dryden,  169 
Du  Barry,  86n. 
DwnnW  (Pope),  17211. 
Dunciade,  172, 175 
Duplant,  Mile,  77,  78n. 
Duplessis,  Joseph  Silfrede,  61, 62n.,  71,  I95n., 

202n. 

Durancy,  Mile,  71,  72n.,  77 

Durante,  86n.,  96n. 

Durazzo,   Count  Giacomo,  9,   10,   11,  21, 

23n.,  45-6 
Duronceray,  Maria  Justine,  22n. 

Eberts,  Johann  Heinrich,  98 

Eberwein,  Carl,  83n. 

Effets  du  caractere,  Les,  67n. 

Einstein,  24n. 

Eisenstadt,  4 

Elfrida,  24n. 

Elogio  di    Giambattista    Martini   (Gandolfi), 

46n. 
Elvira,  2411. 

Encyclopaedists,  I72n. 
Erasbach,  3 
Erbendorf,  3 

Ermelinda,  Princesse  de  Norvege,  35,  159,  i6on. 
Ermenonville,  32n. 


232 


Indexes 


Erwin  undElmire,  87,  88n. 

£55(3»  (Beloselsky),  154 

Essai    sur    la    musique    ancienne    et    moderne 

(Laborde),  7211. 
Essai   sur   les   revolutions   de   la   musique   en 

France  (Marmontel),  6711. 
Essai  sur  Vunion  de  la  Poesie  et  de  la  Musique 

(Chastelloux),  103 
Ettersberg,  83 
Exemplare  ossia  fundamentale  di  contrappunto 

(Martini),  4611. 
Eximeno,  Antonio,  S.  J.,  iii,  i23n.,  157 

Fabiani,  Michele,  I37n. 

Falconet,  Etienne  Maurice,  1 16-17, 1240. 

Faque, E.,  32n. 

Favari,  87n. 

Favart,  Charles  Simon,  21-2 

Feracaccia,  Marianna,  I37n. 

Ferney,  77n. 

Ferrari,  Domenico,  42 

Ferte,  Mme  de  la,  195 

Ferte-Imbault,  Marie  Therese  de  la,  167 

Ferte-Müon,  La,  77n. 

Fetes  d' Hebe,  Les,  148,  I52n. 

FigH,  I36n. 

Finta  Giardiniera,  La,  24.11. 

Finta  schiava,  La  (Maccari),  5 

Fioresi,  Maria,  I37n. 

Fischer,  Ludwig  (bass),  I93n.,  197-8 

Flensburg,  2o6n. 

Floquet,  Etienne  Joseph,  9i-2n. 

Florence,  26n.,  29n.,  32n.,  151 

Foix,  i6on. 

Fontaine,  La,  36,  I52n. 

Fontainebleau,  48n. 

Formules  de  Medicamens,  i66n. 

Framery,  Nicolas  Etienne,  62n.,  93-6,  i62n. 

Framicourt,  E.  de,  i62n. 

Francoeur,  Fran9ois,  18 1-2 

Frankfurt-am-Main,  6, 11,  88n.,  I25n. 

Franz  I,  Emperor,  6,9,11 

FrascaroU,  Antonio,  I37n. 

Frederick  II,  King  of  Prussia,  12,  I24n.,  128, 

I29n.,  138, 139, 142,  20in. 
French  Revolution,  58n.,  62n.,  86n,  205n. 
Fries  &  Co.,  I25n.,  176 
Fries,  Baroness  Anna  von,  124-5 
Fries,  Count  Johann  von,  25,  26n.,  125 
Fries,  Count  Moriz  von,  26n. 
Frossac,  Magdelinc-Celiste  Fieuzal  de,  72n. 
Frugoni,  12 
Fugelier,  171 
Fux,  Johann  Joseph,  4,  7 

Gahrielle  de  Vergy,  108 

Galuppi,  Baldassare,  6,  105,  I07n.,  155 

Gandolfi,  G.,  46n. 

Ganges  (Herault),  ro8n. 

Garetti,  Giuseppe,  i37n. 

Garrick,  David,  I29n. 


Gassmann,  Florian  Leopold,  203  n. 

Gegenbach,  26n. 

GeHn,  M.,  77,78 

Geneva,  32n.,  77n. 

GeofFrin,  Marie-Therese  {nee  Rodet),  i67n, 

Gerardin  (publisher),  63n. 

Gersin  (vaudeviUist),  165 

Ghibert,  M.,  70,  7 in. 

Giebichenstein,  20 in. 

Ginguene,  M.,  14 

Giustiniani,  G.  A.,  123 

Gloria  delle  Musica  (Martini),  46n. 

Gluck,  Alexander,  3,  7 

Gluck,  Anna  Elisabeth,  207 

Gluck,  Christoph  Anton,  3, 207 

Gluck,  Felix  Matthes,  207 

Gluck,  Franz  Anton  Ludwig,  207 

Gluck,  Franz  Johann  Alexander,  207 

Gluck,  Hans  Adam,  3, 4 

Gluck,  Heinrich  Joseph,  207 

Gluck,  Maria  Walpurga,  3,  7 

Gluck,  Marianne  {nee  Bergin)  (Gluck's  wife), 
8-9,  13,  14,  20-1,  5on.,  57,  59,  61,  62n.,  64, 
68,  69-70,  74,  75,  76,  79,  81,  90,  92,  93, 
98,  99n.,  125,  135,  136,  139,  165,  166,  167, 
168,  172,  174,  176,  179,  180,  181,  184,  186, 
187,  188,  189,  192,  193,  197,  198,  20on., 
201,  202n.,  203n.,  207,  209,  210-12,  213 

Gluck,  Marianne  Nanette  (Hedler;  Gluck's 
adopted  daughter),  13,  14,  57,  58n.,  59,  61, 
64,  68,  74,  75,  79,  80-1,  83,  95,  128,  I29n., 
209 

Gluck-Jahrbuch  (Einstein),  24n. 

Gluck  und  Durazzo  im  Burgtheater  (Haas),  22n. 

Gluck,  Simon,  3 

Goethe,  5in.,  82-3,  87,  88n.,  191,  20in. 

Goethe's  Singspiele  'Erwin  und  Elmire', 
'Claudine  con  Villa  Bella',  und  die  Opera 
ßw^a  (Böttcher),  88n. 

Goignet,  Horace,  32n. 

Golconde,  95 

Goldoni,  Carlo,  5,  2i3n. 

Goldsmith,  Oliver,  138 

Goncourt,  Ed.  and  J.  de,  9on. 

Gossec  et  la  musique  frangaise  a  la  fin  du 
XVIIIe  siede  (Hellouin),  72n. 

Gossec,  Francois  Joseph,  71, 72n.,  81,  85,  89n., 
133-4.  I79n. 

Göttinger  Musenalmanach,  i74n. 

Goutard,  Freiherr  Johann  Jakob,  125,  168-9 

Gradus  ad  Parnassum,  4 

Gravina,  Domenico,  iii,  I23n. 

Graz,  7,  I29n. 

Grazioli,  Pietro,  i37n. 

Greca,  Anna  Teresa,  i37n. 

Gretry  (de  Curzon),  62n. 

Gretry,  A.-M.  (Closson),  62n. 

Gretry,  Andre  Erneste  Modeste,  37,  42,  61, 
62n.,  67n.,  I07n.,  i53n.,  i6on. 

Grimm,  Baron  Melchior,  15,  32n.,  i67n. 

Grisostomi,  Gertrude  Paccini,  1370. 

Grisostomi,  Gregorio,  i37n. 


Indexes 


233 


Gros,  M.  Ic  (tenor),  171,  lypn.,  197 

Grotta  di  Trofonio,  La,  2130. 

Gudenus,  Freifrau  Antonia  von,  208 

Guerre,  Mmela,  170,  lyin. 

Guido,  122 

Guillard,  Nicolas  Francois,  15,  33,   130-3, 

134 
Guinguene,  M.,  8ön. 
Günther,  5 in. 

Haas,  R.,  22n. 

Hague,  The,  öyn.,  i6on. 

Haimhofen,  Fortunat  Joseph  von,  212-13 

Halle,  20in. 

Hamburg,  7,  8,  19,  44,  45n.,  i28-9n.,  I52n., 

205-6,  209 
Hammer,  7 

Handel,  G.  F.,  6, 151,  i53n. 
Hanke,  Karl,  205-6 
Hannibal,  loi 
Hardi,  151 
Härtung,  Count,  3 
Hasse,  Johann  Adolf,  10,  147,  151,  I52n., 

I53n. 
Hauben,  Coimt  Johann  George  von  der,  3 
Haydn,  Joseph,  I94n. 
H(j)'(f»(Pohl),  I94n. 
Hubert,  M.,  84,  86n. 
Hedler,  Captain  Claudius,  58n. 
Hedler,  Maria  Aima  Rosine  (nee  Gluck),  58n., 

207 
Heidelberg,  58n. 
Heilegenbach/Eichsfelde,  öpn. 
Hello  uin.  F.,  72n. 
Hermegau,  72n. 
Henriade,  36 

Herder,  Johann  Gottfried,  50-1 
Herder's  Stellung  zur  Musik,  J.  G.  (Günther), 

5  in. 
Herdlikska,  Giuseppe,  I37n. 
Hermann,  A.  von,  203n. 
Hermannsschlacht  (Klopstock),  15,  44-5,  97, 

128, 178, 202n. 
Hesiod,  35 

Hessen-Rheinfels,  Prince  of,  58n. 
Hoditz-Rosswalde,  Count,  205, 2o6n. 
Hohenemser,  E.,  24n. 
Holbeinsberg,  Joseph  Holbein  von,  207 
Homer,  35 

Hopkinson,  C,  58n.,  I72n.,  I74n. 
Hoppe,  M.,  91 

Horace  (Corneille),  143,  I52n. 
Houdon,Jean  Antoine,  i85n. 
Humbourg,  Dr  Johann  Nepomuk  Ritter 

von, i89n. 
Hypermnestre  (Saüeri),  203n. 
Hyppolyte  et  Ariele,  143,  i52n. 

II  cavaliere  errante,  29n. 

IlGiocatore,  15  in. 

//  trionfo  della  continenza,  6 


Incas  ou  la  destruction  de  l'Empire  de  Perou, 

i64n. 
Indes  galantes,  Les,  148,  I52n. 
Jjp/i(gJK(een^«/i<fe(Algarotti),  i24n.;(Racine), 

31.33-4 
Iphigenie  en  TawriWe  (Guillard),  I32n.,  133-4; 

(Piccinni),  86n. 
Iphigenie  en  r<jHr«(tr.  Abdnger),  I94n. 

Jacobite  rebellion,  6 

Jagemarm,  Chr.  J.,  96n. 

Jahrbuch  (Peters),  7in. 

Jansen,  A.,  32n. 

Janson,  Jean  Baptiste  Aimd  Joseph,   89-90, 

165, 168, 172, 175, 179, 186 
Jerusalem,  116, 119 
Jesi,  I49n. 

Jomelli,  Niccolö,  105,  I07n.,  iii,  147,  I52n. 
Joseph,  Archduke,  10 
Joseph  II,  Emperor,  11,  25,  26n.,  45,  128, 

I29n.,  190, 192,  I94n.,  I97n. 
Joueur,Le,  142,  I5in. 
Journal  de  Litter ature,  107, 157 
Journal  de  Musique,  i62n. 
Journal   de   Musique   historique,    theorique   et 

practique,  i62n. 
Journal  de  Paris,  99n.,  125,  141,  i85n.,  i89n., 

203 
Journal  de  PoHtique  de  Litterature,  101-7, 

116 
Julius  Cfle^ar  (Shakespeare),  51 
Jullien,  Ad.,  203 n. 

Kalauria,  l6on. 

Kamnitz,  4 

Karl  VI,  Emperor,  7 

Karl  Theodor,  Prince,  58n. 

Karl  Theodore,  Elector  of  Palatinate,  i28n. 

Karlsruhe,  14 

Kaunitz,  Count  Ernst  Christoph  von,  24n., 

136,  I38n. 
Kaunitz-Rietberg,    Prince    Wenzel    Anton 

von,  25-6,  I38n. 
Kayser,  Philipp  Christoph,  191 
Kiel,  I78n. 

Kinsky,  Count  PhiUpp  Joseph,  4 
Kinsky,  Georg,  58n. 
Klopstock,  Friedrich  Gottlieb,  14,  15,  44-5, 

63-4,  80-1,  82,  87,  97,  I25n.,  128-9,  I72n., 

173,  I74n.,  177-8,  201, 202n.,  209 
Kobald,  K.,  7411. 
Kobenzl,  Graf  Johaim  Ludwig  Joseph  von, 

63, 64n. 
Koch,  Lieut.-General  Joharm  Baptist  von, 

193,  I94n. 
Kohaut,  Joseph,  63, 68 
Kohaut,  Karl  Ignaz  Augustin,  63n.,  68-9n. 
Komotau,  4 
Körügsberg,  5 in.,  20in. 
Köttnath,  Arnia  Maria,  3 
Köttnath,  Philipp,  3 


234 


Indexes 


Krause,  Kapellmeister,  2030. 

Kreibitz,  4 

Kruthofier,  Franz,  52-61,  67-9,  72-3,  74-5, 

79,  81-2,  89-92,  93,  96-9,  127-8,  134-5. 

138-42,   161,   164-5,   166-8,   170-1,   172, 

173-4,  175-7,  178-80,  182-9,  190,  192-5, 

196-200,  211-13 
Kurz-Bemadon,  Joseph  von,  I29n. 

La  Rochelle,  78n. 

L'Abbe  Arnaud    et    la  reforme  de  l'opera  an 

XVIIIe  siede,  62n. 
Laborde,  Jean  Benjamin  de,  71,  72n.,  77n. 
Laguerre,  Marie  Josephine  de,  76,  77n. 
Laharpe,  Jean  Francois  de,  14,  99-107,  109, 

112-22, 124, 142-60, 198 
L'ami  de  la  maison,  148,  I53n. 
Lampugnani,  Giovanni  Battista,  5,  6, 7 
Lange,  C,  20in. 
Laon,  78n. 

l'Arrive,  Henry,  75,  77,  78 
Lasalle,  Francois  Antoine  de,  210 
Lasalle,  Mme  de,  210 
Lasson,  Baron  von,  i67n. 
Laudajerusalem  (Philidor),  86n. 
Laurencie,  L.  de  la,  32n. 
Laurenti,  M.  (composer),  9in.,  93 
Laurenti,  Mme,  91,  93 
Lauriers,  des  (publisher),  57n. 
Lavater,  202n. 
Laxenburg,  12 
Laxenburg  Castle,  9 
Lays  (singer),  I7in. 
Lazzari,  Anna,  I37n. 
Lazzeri,  G.,  24n. 
Leghorn,  2411.,  89n. 
Legnano,  203  n. 
Legros,  Joseph,  77,  78n. 
Leipzig,  7,  8,  löon.,  I94n. 
Leo,  Leonardo  Oronzo  Salvatore  de,  86n., 

147,  I52n. 
Leo  X,  Pope,  29n. 
Leopold,  Grand  Duke,  I94n. 
Leopold  II,  Emperor,  24n.,  98n. 
Letters  of  Mozart  and  His  Family  (Anderson), 

46n. 
Lettres  sur  la  Danse  et  sur  les  Ballets  (Noverre), 

7in. 
Lettres  sur  les  drames-operas  (RouUet),  6jn., 

82n. 
Levasseur,  Rosalie,  49,  50n.,  74,  76,  77,  9on. 
Liege,  49n.,  62n. 
Liege,  Archbishop  of,  I38n. 
Liege,  Prince  Eveque  de,  184 
L'impero  del  Uniuerso  diinso  con  Gioue,  i^n. 
Lindemann,  F.,  Ö7n. 
Linguet,  Simon  Nicolas  Henri,  1 86 
L'Isola    d'Amore,     I07n.,     I53n.     See    also 

Colonie 
Lobkowitz,  Prince,  3 
Lobkowitz,  Prince  Ferdinand  Philipp  von, 

5-6 


Lobkowitz,  Prince  Johann  George  Christian 

von,  5 
Lobkowitz,  Prince  PhiHpp  Hyazinth  von,  4 
Lobkowitz,  Princess  Wilhelmine,  4 
Lobry,  Mme,  i28n. 
Locandiera  scaltra,  La,  212,0.. 
LocateUi,  Giovanni  Battista,  8-9 
'L'oeil  humide  des  pleurs  .  .  .'    (Millicent), 

174". 
London,  5-7,  8,  I9n.,  26n.,  49n.,  63n.,  7in., 

86n.,  87n.,  96n.,  I07n.,  147,  I52n.,  I53n., 

i6on.,  200, 20in.,  205n. 
Longarini,  Battista,  I37n. 
Loudon,  Freiherr  Ernst  Gideon  von,   139, 

141, 142 
Louis  Joseph  Xavier  Francois,  Dauphin,  192, 

I93n. 
Louis  XIV,  King,  32n.,  46,   I24n.,   I52n., 

i6on. 
Louis  XV,  King,  47n.,  72n. 
Louis  XVI,  King,  13,  46-7,  48n.,  49,  i67n., 

i85n. 
Loup  devenu  berger,  Le,  I52n. 
Lucchi,  Marco,  I37n. 
Lucile,  106,  I07n. 
Lucio  Silla,  136x1. 
Luise,  Queen,  8 
LuUy,  Jean  Baptiste,  12,  13,  31,  32n.,  36,  37, 

41,  67n.,  113, 146, 148, 149,  I52n. 
Lully  (de  la  Laurencie),   32n.;   (Prunieres), 

32n. 
L'union  de  V amours  et  des  arts  (Floquet),  9in. 
Lussan,  MUe  de,  io8n. 
Luzzi,Eusebio,  I37n. 
Lyons,  32n.,  7in.,  77n.,  I52n.,  i62n. 
Ly Sander  (pintzTch),  3  on. 

Maccari,  Giovanni,  5 

Madrid,  147 

Magazin  der  Musik,  i88n.,  I93n.,  I97n.,  I98n. 

Mandini,  Paolo,  i37n. 

ManeUi,  Pietro,  I5in. 

Manna,  Gennaro,  24n. 

Mannheim,  13, 163 

Mantua,  I23n. 

Maratti,  Giuseppe,  26n. 

Marcello,  Benedetto,  iii,  I23n.,  150,  151, 

15311. 
Marchand,  le  (pubHsher),  13,  47,  54,  55-9, 

62,  69,  74,  79n.,  89,  91,  98,  165,  169,  I77n. 
Maria  Amaha,  Archduchess,  11,  12 
Maria  EUsabeth,  Archduchess,  1 1 
Maria  Feodorova,  Czarina,  I94n. 
Maria  Theresia,  Empress,  7,  9,  13,  26n.,  48n., 

138, 140, 185, 186,  i87n. 
Marie  Antoinette,  Queen,  12,  13,  31-2,  47-8, 

49,  71,  90n.,  134,  I35n.,  140,  161,  162-3, 

i66n.,  192,  I93n.,  210 
Marmontel,  Jean  Francois,  14,  65,  67n.,  84, 

85,  86n.,  124,  142-60,  i64n.,  172,  I74n., 

175,193.198 
Marriage  of  Figaro,  206 


Indexes 


235 


Martini,   Father    Giambattista,    45-6,   89n., 

150-1,153 
Martini,  P.,  in,  157 
Martyriologie  littöraire  (Mengaut),  i65n. 
Mascarille,  Marquis  de,  117,  i24n. 
Massa,  Anastasio,  I37n. 
Massa  and  Carrara,  Duchess  of,  ijön. 
Mathon  de  la  Cour,   Charles,   I28n.,   162, 

164-5,  166,  168,  169,  172,  174,  176,  I77n., 

178-9,  183,  184,  186,  188,  192,  193,  198, 

199,  20on.,  211 
Mathon,  Jacques,  i62n. 
Maubert-Fontaine,  6on. 
Maximilian,  Archduke,  9on. 
Mazzola,  C,  2i3n. 
Meaux,  löon. 
Megabises,  121 
Mehul,  204n. 
Melini,  Grazia,  2on. 
Melzi,  Prince  Antonio  Maria,  4 
Memoires  Secretes  .  .  .,  31-2,  9on.,  92n.,  99n., 

l66n.,  i67n.,  i68n.,  I7in.,  I74n.,  I77n., 

I79n.,  1840.,  i85n.,  igen.,  i98n. 
M6nardiere,  Mme  de  la,  69,  7in.,  74,  76,  78 
Mengaut,  M.,  i65n. 
Menteur,Le,  154,  i6on. 
Mercure  de  France,  30-44,  93-6, 141, 142-60 
Mercy- Argenteau,  Count  F.-C.  de,  Le  (Pimo- 

dan),  49n. 
Mercy- Argenteau,  Count  Florimond  de,  13, 

48-50, 140,  i87n. 
Meryglev,  M.,  69 
Mesmer,  Dr  Franz  Anton,  186 
Messiah  (Klopstock),  63 
Metastasio,  Abbate  Pietro,  4-5,  7,  8,  9,  10, 

II,  24n.,  39-40,  62n.,  104,  in,  118,  I23n., 

143, 148,  I94n.,  209n. 
Michel,  M.,  25n. 
Michelangelo,  121, 158 
Middlesex,  Lord,  5-6 
Migliavacca,  Gianambrogio,  10 
Milan,  4-6,  33,  7in.,  95,  I23n.,  I36n. 
Milan,  Archduchess  of,  135 
Milan,  Archduke  of,  135 
Millicent,  Jean  Gabriel  Marie,  174 
Millico,  Giuseppe  (castrato),  58n.,  94-6 
Mingotti,  Angelo,  7 
Mingotti,  Pietro,  7-8,  I9n.,  96n. 
Modena,  I23n. 
Modena,  Duke  of,  123 
Mceurs  Secretes  au  XVIII^  siede,  Les  (Uzanne), 

72n.,  78n. 
Mohrungen,  5  in. 
Monampteuil,  78n. 
Mondonville,  Jean  Joseph  Casanea  de,  148, 

149. 159.  i6on. 
Montenoy,  Charles  Palissot  de,  172 
Montmomey,  62n. 
Moreau  (bass),  171,  I96n. 
Moreaulejeune,  Jean  Michel,  186,  187,  188, 

192, 193 
Moroni,  Giulia,  13  7n. 


Mosel,  J.,  203  n. 

Motte,  Franz  la,  63 

Mozart  family,  207n. 

Mozart,  Leopold,  26n.,  46n.,  192,  i94n. 

Mozart,  W.  A.,  24n.,  45n.,  4ön.,  63n.,  I25n., 

I36n.,  I39n.,  i64n.,  i92-3n.,  I94n.,  I98n., 

20on. 
Muggenthaler,  L.,  I78n. 
Mühlhausen,  26n. 
Munich,  24n.,  96n.,  163,  i64n. 
Muratori,  Lodovico  Antonio,  in,  I23n. 
Musenalmanch,  45n. 
Musikalische  Monatsschaft,  I98n. 
Musique  Italie,  De  la  (Beloselsky),  löon. 

Naimetti,  Domenica,  I37n. 

Naples,  9,  II,  22n.,  2411.,  33,  34,  5in.,  86n., 

92,  93n.,  96n.,  I07n.,  123,  124,  136,  I38n., 

147,  151,  I52n.,  löon.,  185,  186 
Naples,  Queen  Maria  Carolina  of,  1 1 
Napoleon  1, 62n. 
Napoleon,  Jerome,  201  n. 
Narbonne,  i6on. 

Nauendorf,  Count  Friedrich  August  von,  139 
Neapohtan  School,  I52n.,  i6on. 
Neuer  deutscher  Merkur,  g6n. 
Neumann,  Johann  Gottlieb,  i64n. 
Neustadt,  3 
Neuwied,  50n. 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  I23n.,  144,  I52n. 
Nicodemus,  159,  i6on. 
Normanville,  67n. 
Notice  sur  la  vie  et  les  ouvrages  de  Nicola 

Piccinni  {Guingucne),  86n. 
Nouailles,  Marquis  Emanuel  Marie  Louis, 

204-5 
Nouveau  Spectateur,  Le,  90 
Nouveau    Systeme    de    Musique    et   pratique 

(BeUestat),  156 
Nouvelles  de  la  republique  des  lettres  et  des  arts 

(Blancherie),  175,  i76n. 
Noverre,  Jean  Georges,  70,  7 in.,  89 
Nürnberg,  209n. 

Obergeorgenthal,  7 

Oberlaa,  2  in. 

Odes  (Klopstock),  45,  173,  I74n.;  (Pindar), 

119    ^ 

Oedipe  ä  Colone  (Sacchini),  96 

CEuvres  completes  {Rousseau),  32n. 

Olympiade  (Framery),  61,  62n.,  95;  (Metas- 
tasio), 62n.,  96n.;  (Pergolesi),  143,  I52n.; 
(Sacchini),  61,  62n.,  95 

Operntexte  Ph.  Quinaults,  Die  (Lindemann), 
67n. 

O'Reilly,  Robert  Mac,  20on. 

Orlando  innamorato  (Bojardo),  I24n. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  I26n. 

Orp/je'e  (Calzabigi),  30 

Orsini  and  Rosenlaerg,  Prince  Franz  Xaver 
of,  188,  i89n. 


236 


Indexes 


Ostici,  Giacomo,  13711. 
Ottani,  Bernardino,  I37n. 

Pädagogium  (Dittes),  lySn. 

Paesiello,  Giovanni,  2411. 

Palermo,  I53n. 

PaKssot,  Charles,  174-5 

Papini,  Antonio,  I37n. 

Paris,  II,  12-15,  21-2,  24n.,  32n.,  4411.,  46, 
48n.,  49n.,  50,  5in.,  52,  55-7,  58n.,  6on., 
62n.,  63n.,  65,  67,  69,  7in.,  72n.,  74,  77n., 
78,  79n.,  80-1,  86n.,  87n.,  88,  89,  9on., 
9in.,  92,  95,  96n.,  97,  99n.,  loi,  I07n., 
io8n.,  I09n.,  I24n.,  125,  I26n.,  128,  I32n., 
133-4,  135,  138,  141,  142.  146,  148,  149, 
I52n.,  I53n.,  159,  i6on.,  161,  162,  165, 
166-7,  170-1,  172,  174,  175,  I77n.,  179, 
180,  181,  182,  184,  186,  187,  189,  190, 
I94n.,  195,  197,  I98n.,  199,  200,  20in., 
202n.,  203n.,  205,  209n.,  213 

Paris  (Calzabigi),  30 

Paris  Opera  Orchestra,  88-9 

Parma,  33, 131,  I32n. 

Parma  and  Piacenza,  Duchess  of,  135 

Parma  and  Piacenza,  Duke  of,  135,  I36n. 

Parma,  Archduchess  Maria  Amalia  of,  11 

Parmigiano,  121 

Passy,  72n.,  86n. 

'Pater  Boemus',  4 

Patru,  Olivier,  36, 44n. 

Pauli,  Czar,  191, 193, 19411. 

Paul  Petro witch.  Grand  Duke,  193,  I94n. 

PauH,  W.,  20in. 

Pellegrin,  Simon  Joseph  de,  1 52n. 

Perchtoldsdorf,  i89n. 

Pergolesi,  Giovanni  Battista,  43,  118,  142-3, 
147,  I52n.,  155,  i6on. 

Ilepl  fjLovaixfjs,  12411. 

Perugia,  29n. 

Perugino,  29n. 

Peter  the  Great,  Czar,  I24n. 

Peters,  Antoine  de,  53-7,  59-61,  62,  67,  69, 
75, 79, 90-1,  98 

Petrarch,  158 

Pezzona,  Abbe,  131,  I32n.,  179 

Philidor  et  revolution  de  la  Musiquefrangaise  an 
XF/77«5iec/e  (Bonnet),  87n. 

Phihdor,  Francois  Andre  Danican,  85,  86- 
7n.,  i6on. 

Philipp,  M.,  171 

Philippe  Auguste,  io8n. 

Philocretes,  144,  I49n. 

Philosophes,  Les  (Pahssot),  174-5 

Philosophia  naturalis  principia  mathematica 
(Newton),  i6on. 

Piccinni,  Niccolö,  14,  24n.,  67n.,  84,  85,  86n., 
94n.,  105,  124,  134,  144-5,  146,  153"., 
155-7, 1 74n. 

Pillnitz,  7 

Pimodan,  Comte  de,  49n. 

Pindar.  119 

Pirker,  Franz  Joseph  Karl,  19-20 


Pirker,  Marianne,  19, 2on. 

Pisa,  24n.,  I24n. 

Plain,  c'est  commander  (Henriette  Adelaide 

Villars),  lyin. 
PlaneUi,  Chevalier  Antonio,  92, 93n.,  1 1 1 
Plankstetten  Monastery,  3 
Plato,  3  on. 
Plessis,  M.  du,  92 
Pliny,  116 
Plutarch,  3 on.,  51 
Poisies    suivies    d'une    Notice    sur    Gluck — 

(Rousseau),  i85n. 
Poggi,  Domenico,  I37n.,  2i3n. 
Pohl,  C.  F.,  I94n. 
Pope,  Alexander,  I72n. 
Porpora,  150 

Porte,  Abbe  Joseph  de  la,  S.  J.,  174 
Potsdam,  128 
Pougin,  A.,  32n. 

Pouplini^re,  Intendant-General  La,  72n. 
PozzuoU,  96n.,  i6on. 
Prague,  4,  7,  8-9, 26n.,  123 
Proserpini,  B^n. 
Prud'homme,  J.-G.,  25n. 
Pruniferes,  H.,  32n. 
Prussia,  Prince  Heinrich  of,  i,  139 
Pygmalion  (Rousseiu),  32n.,  148,  i52-3n. 


Quarin,  Freiherr  Professor  Dr  Joseph  von, 

184,  i85n. 
Querelles  des  BufFons,  I49n. 
Quinault,  PhiHppe,  14,  32n.,  37,  39,  41,  66, 

6jn.,  70,  86n.,  100,  104,  120,  146,  148-9, 

17411. 
Quintilianus,  Aristides,  116, 12411. 


Racine,  Jean,  12,  33-4,  39,  44n.,  75,  77n.,  119 

Raffaello  (Venturi),  29n. 

Rameau,  Jean  PhiHppe,  12,  13,  72n.,  143, 

148, 149,  I52n.,  156-7, 159,  i6on.,  I79n. 
Raphael,  27,  29n.,  122, 158 
Rastatt,  14, 209 
Reber,  Francois,  77n.,  i8in. 
Recitative  and  Aria  for  bass,  'Alcandro,  lo 

confesso',  K.512  (Mozart),  I98n. 
Recitative  and  Aria  for  bass,  'Cosl  dunque 

tradisci',  K.432  (Mozart),  I98n. 
Reflexions  sur  la  sculpture  (Falconet),  I24n. 
Reflexions  sur  V Opera  (Saint-Mard),  67n. 
Reggio,  I24n. 

Regole  della  MH5ica(Eximeno),  157 
Reichardt,].  F.  (Lange),  20in.;  (PauU),  20in.; 

(Schletterer),  20in. 
Reichardt,   Johann    Friedrich,   5in.,   i98n., 

200-3,  210-11 
Reichsstadt,  3,  58n. 
Rennweg,  74n. 

Reutter,  Georg  von,  7, 11,  22n. 
Rewarded  Loyalty,  6'jn. 
Rheims,  i86n. 


Indexes 


237 


Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  (Gr^try),  6211. 

Riedl,  Antonius,  207 

Riemann,  Hugo,  58n. 

Riga,  5  in. 

Rifiiet,  M.  (banker),  73, 176,  I77n.,  199 

Risposta  (Calzabigi),  24n. 

Ristorini,  Andrea,  I37n. 

Ristorini,  Teresa,  I37n. 

Rivista  musicale  itaUana  (Prud'homme),  25n. 

Rivoluzioni  del  teatro  musicale  italiano  dalla 

sua  origine  fino  al  presento,  Le  (Arteaga), 

24n.,  29n. 
Rizzardi,  Gaetano,  1370. 
Robert  undHannchen  (Hanke),  2o6n. 
Rockenzahn,  3 
Rocroy,  6on. 
Rodogune,  119 
Roland  (Piccinni),  14-15,  84,  85,  86n.,  119, 

144-6, 149,  i55ff-,  159 
Rollan,M.,  185 
Romagnoli,  Franc,  I37n. 
Rome,  9,  12,  29n.,  62n.,  86n.,  95,  i07n.,  117, 

147, 151,  I52n.,  I53n. 
Ronzi,  Giorgio,  I37n. 
Rosa  (Roos),  Joseph,  207 
Rossi,  Giacomo,  I37n. 
Rosso,  Lorenzo  Ottavio  del,  11 
Rotterdam,  6 
Rouen,  94n.,  I49n. 
Roullet,  Marquis  Gaud  le  Blanc  BaiUy  du, 

12-13,  31.  32n.,  62,  64-7,  68,  69-72,  73-4, 

75-8,  80,  81,  82n,  83-6,  91,  133,  135,  138, 

161,  166, 167,  168,  170,  171,  179,  181, 182, 

187, 188, 189, 190, 195,  203 
Rousseau  als  Mw5(feer,J._7.  (Jansen),  32n. 
Rousseau  artiste  (Faquet),  32n. 
Rousseau,  J.  (tenor),  179 
Rousseau,}.  J.  (Tiersot),  32n. 
Rousseau  Musicien,J.J.  (Pougin),  32n. 
Rousseau,  Jean  Jacques,  11,  13,  14,  31,  32n., 

35,   38-9,  41.   43-4.  481   II4,   116,   120, 

I52n.,  156,  157,  I72n.,  184, 185, 186 
Rurante,  Lucia,  I37n. 
'Russian  Quartets*  (Haydn),  I94n. 

Sabinus,  13 3. 1 34 

Sacchini,  Antonio  Maria  Gasparo,  62n.,  93- 

6, 105,  I07n.,  I53n.,  159 
Sachsen-Hildburghausen,      Prince     Joseph 

Friedrich  von,  9 
Sachsen-Weimar,  Duchess  Anna  Amalie  of, 

88n. 
Sachsen-Weimar,  Duke  Carl  August  of,  82, 

83,88,173,191 
Saggio  fundamentale    pratico   di    contrapunto 

(Martini),  157 
Saggio  sopra   V opera  in  musica  (Algarotti), 

i07n.,  i24n. 
St  Flour,  io8n. 

Saint-Georges,  Chevalier  de,  67n. 
Saint-Mard,  R^mond  de,  65, 67n. 
St  Petersburg,  64n.,  i07n.,  I24n.,  i59n. 


Salier!,  A.  (Hermann),  203 n.;  (Mosel),  203 n. 
Salieri,  Antonio,  15,  67n.,  i88n.,  203,  208- 

9,211-13 
SaUiet,  Joseph  Niclas,  21 
Sallust,  35 

Sammartini,  Giovanni  Battista,  4 
Samson  (Voltaire),  I96n. 
San  Domingo,  67n. 
Sander,  Freiherr  von,  74n. 
Santi,  Giovaimi,  29n. 
Sassoni.  See  Hasse,  J.  A. 
Saurin,  Bernard,  126 
Savoy,  Prince  Eugene  of,  3 
Saxony,  Maria  Anna  of,  7 
Saxony,  Prince  Friedrich  Christian  of,  7 
Scalabrini,  Paolo,  7, 2on.,  96n. 
Scandiano,  i24n. 
Scandiano,  Coimt  of,  1 19 
Scarlatti,   Pietro   Alessandro  Gasparo,  151, 

I53n. 
Schletterer,  K.  M.,  20in. 
Schlosshof,  9 

Schmid,  Christian  Heinrich,  1290. 
Schönbrimn,  9on.,  I94n;  Castle,  11 
Schoter,  177 
Schroder  (poet),  203 
Schröder,  Friedrich  Ludwig,  I29n. 
Schulz,  J.  P.  A.,  96n. 
Schiinemann,  G.,  5 in. 
Schweitzer,  Anton,  i64n. 
Schwetzingen,  13 
Scuola  de'gelosi,  2i3n. 
'Se  cerca,  se  dice'  (Sacchini),  94, 96n. 
Seau,  Count  Joseph  Anton  von,  163, 16411. 
SeUgenpforten  Monastery,  3 
Senhs,  6on. 

Serva padrona.  La  (Pergolesi),  43,  i6on. 
Seven  Years'  War,  26n.,  I94n. 
Shakespeare,  51,  88n. 
Sibilla,  Vincenza,  86n. 
Sicily,  King  of,  11 

Silvain  (Gretry),  106,  I07n.,  148,  I53n. 
Süvani,  Francesco,  5 
Simpson,  J.  (publisher),  6 
Sivry,  L.  Poinsinet  de,  35 
'Six  quartets',  opus  6  (Aspelmayer),  58,  59 
Society  of  Music  concerts,  London,  6 
Soiree  perdue  a  I'Opera,  La,  94 
Sola,  Giacomo,  I37n. 
Sophie  Arnould  d'apresses  Correspondance  et  seo 

memoirs  inedits  (Ed.  and  J.  de  Goncourt), 

9on. 
Sophocles,  119 
Sorcier,  Le  (PhiHdor),  86n. 
Sorosina,  Johann  Peter  Edler  von,  21 
Souper  des  enthousiastes,  Les  (Arnould),  82n. 
Stabat  (Pergolesi),  41, 43, 118, 144, 150 
StainviUe,  Marquis  de,  49n. 
Stockholm,  20in.,  203n. 
Stormkin,  Mile  (singer),  2o6n. 
Strohlendorf,  Joseph  von,  207, 213 
Strongoli,  i6on. 


238 


Indexes 


Stuttgart,  7 in.,  9611.,  10711. 
Suard,  Jean  Baptiste  Antoine,  13,  14,  62n., 
108-24, 153-60 

Tacitus,  3  5 

Talents  Lyriques,  Les  (Rameau),  148,  I52n. 

Tartarini,  Anna,  I37n. 

Tartini,  Giuseppe,  4, 42, 11 1, 114 

Tasso,  119 

Teatro  alia  inoda{Ma.Tce\io),  123x1. 

Terlizzi,  96n. 

Tesi-Trammontini,  Vittoria,  I36n. 

Tetens,  Professor,  I78n. 

Tetide  (Migliavacca),  10 

Teutscher  Merkur,  83n. 

Teyber,  Anton,  45, 46n. 

Teyber,  Franz,  45,  46n. 

Theocritus,  3  5 

Thesee,  134 

Thierry  (Louis  XVI's  valet  de  chambre),  185, 

186 
Thucidides,  35 
Tibaldi,  Domenico,  I37n. 
Tibaldi,  Giuseppe,  96n.,  136 
Tibttlle  et  Delie  (Henriette  Adelaide  Villars), 

I7in. 
Tiersot,  J.,  32n.,  I76n. 
Titian,  121, 122 
Toison   d'Or,   La   {Golden   Fleece)    (Vogel), 

208-9 
Tomjon«  (Philidor),  8 7n. 
ToneUi,  Anna,  15  in. 
Torgau,  26n. 
Torri,  Antonia,  I37n. 
Toscana,    Duchess   Anna    Maria   Francisca 

von,  3 
Toscana,  Grand  Duchess  Louise  of,  1 1 
Toscana,  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of,  12,  22-5, 

98n. 
Traetta,  Tommaso,  29n. 
Tratte  de  Musique  Theori-pratique  (Bemetz- 

rieder),  157 
Trattnern,  Johann  Thomas  von,  29n.,  98n. 
Traun,  Count,  4,  5 
Trial,  M.  (Paris  Opera),  6on. 
Triumpfder Empfidsamkeit,  83n. 
Trojan  War,  i6on. 
Tschudi,     Baron    Johann     Metz     Ludwig 

Theodor  von,  67n.,  138, 166-7, 168, 170-1, 

174,  I77n.,  184,  i85n.,  187,  203n. 
TufareUi,  Don  Diego,  9 
Turin,  5,  49n.,  86n.,  I49n. 

Ulbricht,  Maximihan,  i68n. 
Urbino,  29n. 
Uzanne,  O.,  72n.,  78n. 

Vaines,  Jean  de,  I36n. 
Vaines,  Mme  de,  135,  I36n. 
Valadier,  204 
Valencia,  I23n. 


Valenciennes,  50 

Valentin,  M.,  195HS 

Valgay,  Anne  Pierre  Jacques  Vismes  de,  I7n., 

6on.,  129-30,  135,  138,  140,  141,  161,  162, 

164, 168, 170 
VaUiere,  Due  de  la,  io8n. 
Valois,  77n. 
Vannes,  205n. 
Vanneschi,  Abbe  F.,  6 
Varietes  litteraries,  62x1. 
Vasseur,  MUe  le,   127-8,    135,    187,    188, 

211 
Vega,  Lope  de,  i6on. 
Venice,  5,  24n.,  29n.,  45,  I07n.,  1230.,  I24n., 

147,  I52n.,  203n.,  2i3n. 
Venturi,  29n. 

Verdad  sospechosa,  La,  i6on. 
Vergnies,  72n. 
Vemet,  Joseph,  195 
Versailles,  13, 90n.,  I23n.,  1520.,  i6on. 
Versailles,  Peace  of  (1783),  i8on. 
Vestris,  Mme,  io8n. 
Veuve  Quillau  (publishers),  24n. 
Vevey,  I24n. 

Vicar  of  Wakefield,  The,  13  8n. 
VicineUi,  Maria,  I37n. 
Vierma,  4,  7-8,  9,  lo-ii,  12,  13,  14-16,  21, 

22n.,  23,  24n.,  25-9,  32-5,  44-6,  48n.,  49, 

5on.,  52,  57-8,  59,  6on.,  61-71,  73-80,  81, 

83.  87-93,  96-9,  I07n.,  I23n.,  I25n.,  127- 

8,  I29n.,  134-42,   147,  161,  163,  164-8, 

IJ2  passim 
Vignola,  I23n. 

ViUars,  Henriette  Adelaide,  170-1 
Vincennes,  77n. 
Vinci,  Leonardo,  7,  142,  147,  150,  152,  154, 

i6on. 
Vins,  Freiherr  Joseph  Nikolaus  von,  139 
Violons  du  Roi,  32n. 
Virgil,  35, 116 
Vismes,  de.  See  Valgay 
Vitae  V opera  letteraria  dt  Ranieri  Calzahigi,  La 

(Lazzeri),  24n. 
Vceslau,  26n. 

Vogel,  Johann  Christoph,  208-9 
Voltaire,  Fran^ois-Marie  Arouet  de,  39,  62n., 

75,  77n.,  I07n.,  I72n.,  I96n. 
Voss,  Johann  Heinrich,  I74n. 

Waldnab,  3 

Wallis,  Count  OH  vier  von,  139 

Walpole,  Horace,  6 

Walsh  (publisher),  6 

War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  3 

Warsaw,  2o6n. 

Washington,  D.C.,  159 

Wedding  Serenade  (Migliavacca),  10 

Weidenwang,  3 

Weimar,  5in.,  82-3,  87,  88 

Wieland,  Christoph  Martin,  82-3,  87-8 

Wiener  Zeitung,  194 

Wille,  Joh.  Georg,  98n. 


Indexes 


239 


Windisch-Eschenbach,  3 

Woolsthorpe,  15211. 

Wunsch,  Johann  Jakob  von,  139 

Wurmser,  Count  Dagobert  von,  139,  I40n. 

Württemberg,  Duke  Karl  Friedrich  von,  14 

Württemberg,    Prince  Ferdinand  of,    193, 

I94n. 
Württemberg,    Princess    Sophia    Dorothea 

Augusta  Louise  of,  I94n. 
Wyche,  John,  19,  2on. 


Xaphire,  206 

Zaccharini,  Antonia,  13711. 
Zaire,  106,  loyn.,  118 
ZemireetAzor,  148 
Zeno,  Apostolo,  iii,  i23n. 
Zinzendorf,  78n. 
Zoller(  jeweller),  127, 12811. 
Zürich,  2611. 
Zweibrucken,  13 


Date  Due 

Library  Bureau  Cat.  No.  1137 

m,81G52m 


3  5002  00398  8289 


Gluck,  Christoph  Willibald 

Collected  correspondence  and  papers. 


ML  410  .G5  A413 

Gluck,  ChrlsiLoph  Willibald, 
1714-17Ö7. 

The  collected  correapondence 
and  pape^rs  oi    Christ.oph 


ML  410  . G5  A413 

Gluck,  Chris-toph  Willibald, 
1714-1787. 

The  collect.ed  correspondence 
and  papers  o:f  Christoph